Eine neue Regierung, in alter Tradtion vollkommen korrupt, Straffrei bei allen Verbrechen, wo Alles Makalatur ist mit Hashim Thaci natürlich. Also wird es keinen Staat im Kosovo geben, da unerwünscht!

"Kein Interesse an staatlicher Ordnung"

"""Zwei Jahre später bestätigte eine im Auftrag der Bundeswehr verfasste Analyse diesen Befund.[6] Dass ein "Key-Player", dessen "Netzwerken" kein "Interesse am Aufbau einer funktionierenden staatlichen Ordnung" nachgesagt wird""""

 

Pino Arlacchi, ein ehemaliger UN-Untergeneralsekretär, behauptet, ............

Arlacchi war Leiter in einem Drogenkontrollprogramm für die UNO und sagte in einem Interview: "Ich habe die Mafia im Kosovo, was im Grunde das selbe wie die Regierung im Kosovo bedeutet, untersucht". Dazu meint Arlacchi, dass in höchsten Regierungskreisen des Kosovo die Mafia-Elite sitzt.  

Die Gruppe ist schwer in den EULEX Verfahren belastet, sogar ZDF Reportagen gibt es hierüber, wie UN Reports auch rund um den Organ Handel, durch durch diese Verbrecher ab 1998 in Albanien organisiert wurde.

Der Franzöische Kriminologe Xavier Raufer, bestätigt, das Frankreich und die UN genau über die Verbrechen Bescheid, weiss, wo ein Berufs Krimineller Kouchner, heute dies leugnet, trotz geheimen UN Bericht, den wir hier veröffentlichen.

Kriegsverbrechen und Organhandel im Kosovo - Teil 2 von 3 

Kriegsverbrechen und Organhandel im Kosovo - Teil 3 von 3 

Der erste Todesschwadron Chef war Xhavit Halili Terroristen Verbrecher Kartell, wo es einen geheimen 47 pace secret NATO Xhavit Halili Report gibt, der noch Vize Parlaments Präsident ist.

Montag, 24. Dezember 2012

PDK Mitglied Kadri Veseli wird in die hohe Politik der Mafia Republik Kosovo aufsteigen

Hinter den Kulissen soll Ramuz Haradinaj Praesident werden und wohl Kadri Veseli eine hohe Position uebernehmen. Die radiklaten Terroristen, uebernehmen entgueltig die Macht, welche 1998, viele Kosovaren als UCK Konkurrenten in Albanien und dem Kosovo ermordeten. Kosova- PDK Jakupi ist "out" Kadri ist "in"-

von Agron Sadiku am 23.12.2012

Heute stehen einige interessante Dinge in der Zeitung "Zëri". Inneralb der Regierungspartei PDK fingen gegenwärtig so genannte Delegiertenwahlen zum Parteikongress der PDK im Januar statt. Auf jeder Versammlung wird eine Hymne auf das angeblich einfache PDK Mitglied Kadri Veseli gesungen. Kadri Veseli ist mit ziemlicher Sicherheit immer noch Boss des ---- Foto Kadri Veseli --------
Parteigeheimdienstes SHIK. Auf  keiner Versammlung war bis dato Parlamentspräsident Jakub Krasniqi. Verschiedene Analytiker verstehen diese Tatsache nicht. Bekanntlich soll Jakub Krasniqi aus der Leitung der PDK elemeniert werden. Wartet Krasniqi bis zum Parteikongress im Januar?Besonders Adem Grabovci Fraktionsvorsitzender der PDK im Parlament singt auf fast jeder Versammlung das hohe Lied auf Kadri Veseli. Über Krasniqi gibt es  einen öffentlich gewordenen Telefonmitschnitt, eines Gespräches zwischen Grabovci und  Sami Lushtaku: „S. Lushtaku: Ohh dem muss ich mal seine Mutter ficken, ohhh dem muss ich mal auch seine Großmutter ficken diesem Hund. Wieso fickt ihr ihm nicht seine Mutter und stürzt ihn danach … könnt ihr in nicht stürzen oder wo liegt das Problem? A.  Grabovci: Ohh ich schwöre dir, wir wollen nur keinen Skandal daraus machen. Verdienen tut er es  aber …
Telefongespräch unter     http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EzsCA1Ih6is Zur Rolle von Jakub Krasniqi verweisen wir auf folgendes Dokument - http://kosova-aktuell.de/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2120:offener-brief-an-parlamentspraesident-jakub-krasniqi&catid=13&Itemid=111

PS: Der Aufstieg von Kadri Veseli, wird nach den Aussagen von  gut unterrichteten Kreisen mit Wohlwollen in der deutschen Botschaft und bei bestimmten deutschen Kapitalisten verfolgt. Herr Veseli hat sich mehrmals öffentlich für deutsche Kapitalinvestitionen in Kosova stark gemacht. Die Firma Thyssen Krupp ist an der Privatisierung des Rohstoffgiganten Trepca in Mitrovica  interessiert. Klar bereits zwischen 1941 und 44 wurden die dortigen Rohstoffe durch Thyssen- Krupp ausgebeutet.

“Haben Sie schon einmal einen Menschen erschossen?”

Mrs Helena Aluta-Oltyan
Wie ein Gangster Ehepaar, einen Bankrott herbeiführte, wo Geschäfte mit Freunden, eigenen Firmen zum Standard Programm wurde, wie überall bei der Balkan Mafia.

DATUM: Das Alpine-Bau-Debakel am Balkan

Veröffentlicht: 11.12.14, 11:54 | Aktualisiert: 11.12.14, 11:54

  http://02elf.net/oesterreich/datum-das-alpine-bau-debakel-am-balkan-873872

Wien - Das Monatsmagazin DATUM berichtet in seiner Onlineausgabe (www.datum.at) von den Hintergründen der größten Insolvenz der Zweiten Republik. Die Alpine Bau GmbH, ehemals zweitgrößtes österreichisches Bauunternehmen, meldete am 19. Juni 2013 nach 48-jährigem Bestehen Insolvenz an. Die Alpine hatte zuvor eine halsbrecherische Expansion in neue Märkte unternommen und bei Großprojekten enorme Verluste hinnehmen müssen. Neben Deutschland und Polen sticht vor allem der Balkan hervor: DATUM enthüllt ein Sittenbild nachlässigen Managements und dubioser Geldflüsse sowie die Geschichte einer Seilschaft von Alpine-Managern, die unter der Führung von Ex-Alpine-Miteigentümer Dietmar Aluta-Oltyan und seiner Ehefrau Helena auf die Balkan-Niederlassungen der Alpine beträchtlichen Einfluss ausübten.
Ein Prüfbericht der Wirtschaftsprüfungsagentur BDO, der DATUM vorliegt, kritisiert die mangelnde Aufsicht und Kontrolle der Dependancen am Balkan durch die Zentrale in Salzburg, wo Dietmar Aluta-Oltyan als “starker Mann” auch ins operative Geschäft eingriff, obwohl er neben seiner Miteigentümerschaft nominell nur als Aufsichtsratschef der übergeordneten Holding fungierte. Die Intransparenz der Balkangeschäfte führte dazu, dass exorbitante Verluste nicht rechtzeitig erkannt wurden.
DATUM liegen zudem interne Dokumente vor, die dubiose Geldflüsse im Umfeld der Alpine-Niederlassungen in Mazedonien und Albanien aufzeigen. In Mazedonien konnten Alpine-Mitarbeiter über Jahre hinweg Aufträge an Firmen vergeben, die sie selbst besaßen oder denen sie nahestanden. Über Scheinrechnungen und Beratungsstudien flossen innerhalb von zwei Jahren mindestens sechs Millionen Euro in dunkle Kanäle.
Die einjährige investigative Recherche ist das Ergebnis einer Kooperation zwischen DATUM und dem Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN).
...............

Republik

Blackbox Balkan

Wie die Alpine Bau in Südosteuropa die Kontrolle verlor und in die größte Insolvenz der österreichischen Nachkriegsgeschichte schlitterte. Ein Sittenbild.

Alpine Bau’s Balkan Black Hole
A year-long investigation reveals the inside story of how construction giant Alpine Bau’s breakneck expansion into the Balkans played a major part in its destruction.
Moritz Gottsauner-Wolf, Saska Cvetkovska, Erjona Rusi, Bojana Jovanovic, Ivan Angelovski and Lawrence MarzoukBIRNVienna, Skopje, Tirana, Belgrade, LondonIn the early afternoon of June 18, 2013, more than a 100 senior managers at construction giant Alpine Bau settled at desks in offices across the world for a mass conference call.
Austria’s second largest construction corporation had built some of the biggest infrastructure projects of our time – everything from football stadia for World Cups to European highways in the Balkans and the controversial arena for Azerbaijan’s lavish Eurovision Song Contest.

Baku Crystal Hall Photo: Wikipedia

Yet it could no longer pay its bills and was forced to file for bankruptcy the next day in Austria’s biggest insolvency since 1945.
The orders from the Austrian headquarters were clear: Close all construction sites, mothball the machinery, secure documentation and inform the 15,000 employees. Alpine Bau’s myriad subsidiaries would not receive any payments until further notice.
Finally, a manager based in the Balkans asked the question: “Should we stay where we are, or flee?”
The drama of the question was matched by the dire state of Alpine Bau GmbH’s projects abroad: 3.2bn euros of debt, 15,000 creditors and a worldwide trail of unfinished construction sites.
During the past year, the Austrian magazine DATUM and journalists from the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN), have been investigating Alpine Bau’s abrupt collapse, obtaining confidential documents and conducting more than 100 interviews and off-the-record briefings from senior former staff in six countries.
Official records and testimonies from former staff paint a damning picture of systemic management failures, dubious loans and contracts, and suspicious transfers of money to off-shore accounts.
At the heart of the collapse was the Balkans – accounting for half of the firm’s losses while representing a much smaller proportion of the business – and the man who is accused of leading the disastrous expansion there, Dietmar Aluta-Oltyan, whose power went virtually unchecked despite holding no managerial role.
An onslaught of legal action has followed the bankruptcy with allegations of embezzlement, accounting fraud, bankruptcy offences and failure to apply for insolvency in due time, all currently being investigated by prosecutors. There is, however, no indication that Mr Aluta-Oltyan is among those being probed.
Until today, only fragments of news have emerged from the bankruptcy hearings in Vienna, which remain at least one year away from beginning disbursing funds to unpaid contractors.
Disproportionate losses in the Balkans
In contrast to its overseas operations, Alpine Bau had been making a profit at home in Austria.
While the bankruptcy was sudden, almost 80 per cent of the Austrian workforce found jobs within a few weeks as outstanding projects were quickly picked up by competitors.
Alpine Bau was brought down by its foreign debts, despite having pumped more than 1.3bn euros into its overseas subsidiaries and branches over a decade, a September 2014 report by accounting and tax consultancy firm BDO concluded.
The largest yearly profits the company ever recorded from its overseas operations totalled just 36m euros, and that was back in 2005, according to the firm’s 2011 annual report.

Alpine buildigs Photo by: FOLTIN Jindrich / WirtschaftsBlatt / picturedesk.com

Outside of Austria, Alpine Bau left behind ramshackle construction sites, unfinished or poorly executed roads, hundreds of job losses and a long line of creditors.
Alpine Bau’s liquidators commissioned the BDO report to find out what had gone wrong.
It claims Alpine Bau operated outside of Austria without sufficient controls and points to its rapid expansion in the Balkans – alongside Germany and Poland – as key to its downfall. Of the 1.3 billion euro lost investment in foreign projects, nearly half was funnelled to Serbia, Croatia, Romania, Bulgaria, Albania and Macedonia. This was a disproportionally large amount considering the construction work in these countries.
The Balkans was seen by outsiders as the jewel in the corporation’s crown. Alpine Bau had pioneered large projects in the region since 2001 –becoming arguable the region’s biggest builder – but the millions invested were being progressively flushed away.
Spiralling highway costs in Serbia

Beska bridge Photo by: Zoran Zestic, Ministry of Transport

In 2006, Alpine Bau in Serbia won a bid to build a bridge over the Danube in Beska, 20 kilometres northwest of the Serbian capital, Belgrade, for 34m euros. But insiders told BIRN the project was beset by technical problems and the cost escalated to in excess of 100m euros.
Alpine Bau had to settle for a fee of 54m euros after arbitration and protracted arguments with the Serbian government and state-owned road firm Putevi Srbija, documents secured under Freedom of Information laws confirm.
Putevi Srbija is now pursuing a claim against Alpine Bau for, coincidentally, 54m euros for unfinished and poor work on the bridge and other projects.
Alpine Bau was commissioned in 2010 to construct part of the pan-European highway between the Serbian city of Nis and the Bulgarian border but the scheme did not progress.
An internal report seen by DATUM and BIRN predicted losses of 45m euros in 2012 for this project alone.
And according to Serbian prosecution documents, part of the highway was built with construction material unlawfully sourced from Zvonko Veselinovic, a controversial protest leader and businessman from troubled northern Kosovo.
Millions ‘missing’ in Macedonia
Not only did large-scale construction contracts in Macedonia fail to turn a profit, but millions of euros were spent on suspect loans and contracts, according to a KPMG inspection report dated June 2012 and an internal audit dated June 2013, obtained by reporters.
The documents reveal a network of firms, many owned by or closely linked to employees, received “dubious loans” and contracts. The auditor singles out Gjoko Dinev, the general manager of Alpine Bau GmbH Skopje from 2009, for particular criticism.
Consultancy contracts worth more than 3m euros were awarded between 2010 and 2012 to a company owned by some of Alpine’s Macedonian employees. This despite the fact the company did not have any employees and did not produce any evidence the work was carried out, according to the internal report.
More than 6m euros of suspect payments are outlined in the report, amounting to almost one third of Alpine Bau GmbH Skopje branch’s entire revenue for 2012.
“Behind every single contract and every payment was a [legitimate] service, at least during my time as general manager,” insists Dinev.
When asked who authorised payments, Dinev named Croatian Ivica Borosak, who was listed as the second general manager in Macedonia and head of the Alpine branch in Croatia.  Borosak failed to return our calls and emails.
After Alpine went bust, Borosak and Dinev were employed by firms owned by
Mrs Helena Aluta-Oltyan, the wife of Dietmar Aluta-Oltyan, a former shareholder and managing director of Alpine Bau.
Mrs Aluta-Oltyan took an active role in Alpine’s Balkan activities – even describing herself as the ‘Alpine representative for the Balkans’ – although insiders have said her true position in the company was far from clear.  She has failed to respond to our request for an interview or written response.[Link to the “Balkan Family”]
Albania: Money transferred to tax havens
In Albania, 1.4m euros was transferred during 2012 to a mysterious Cypriot company called Windforce Estate Limited, which had been owned by another offshore firm registered in the Marshall Islands. Ownership was later signed over to employees of a Cypriot law firm.
The transfers were questioned in a Deloitte report, which was still employed as the auditor in Alpine Bau branch in Tirana in 2013, and obtained by DATUM and BIRN.
The payments to Windforce throughout 2012 were for work including “acting and advising, material assistance in any meetings, discussions and briefings”, according to invoices obtained by reporters.
The bills were addressed to Tirana managers Manfred Deppe and Amadeo Garcia, but auditors were unable to find any other documents related to the payments, including a contract between Alpine Bau and Windforce referenced on the invoices.
This consultancy work was in connection to two highways Alpine Bau Tirana Branch and its Greek partner AEGEK were building, after Alpine won the contract in 2008.  The projects were paid for from EU and European Bank for Reconstruction and Development funds.
But the roads, between the towns of Vlore, Tepelene and Levan, spiralled in cost, forcing the government to return to donors for more money. Even then, the projects were dogged by technical problems and sparked violent protests by villagers whose land was being built on.
One section remains unfinished almost five years after its estimated completion date of 2010.
Deloitte complained the consultancy firm Windforce had provided no proof the work was carried out and failed Alpine Bau in Albania’s audit for the financial year 2012 as a result.
The auditors noted that the recipient of the payments and sole shareholder of Windforce had died in a Greek hospital in April 2013 and as a result was unable to provide further details of what services it had provided.
It is not known who the true owner of Windforce Estate was as those currently listed as secretary, director and shareholders are employees of a legal office in Cyprus – a common and legal ploy employed in the notorious tax haven to ensure anonymity.
A former senior member of Alpine Bau Tirana branch, who said she had sight of every contract being signed, revealed: "I worked for years for Alpine and I'm shocked by the amount of money we paid Windforce Estate Limited as I had never seen any contract or relevant document related to this company."
While cash was being funnelled out of the firm to tax havens, sub-contractors were left with multi-million pound debts.
Construction firm Alban Tirana is owed 2.5m euros after successfully taking Alpine Bau Tirana Branch to court claiming the Austrian firm unfairly dismissed it in favour of AEGEK. The firm has not received a penny and fears it will never do so now.
Emails exchanged between the manager of Alpine Bau Tirana branch and the Albanian liquidators during May 2014 and obtained by DATUM and BIRN show Alpine in Albania was not able to file for bankruptcy months after its subsidiaries went bust in 2013.
In the end, Alpine Albania didn’t have enough funds to pay the fees to file for bankruptcy.
 Fatal management failings
In the BDO report commissioned by Alpine Bau’s liquidators, the authors claim the firm’s rapid expansion overseas was “sales-oriented and not profit-oriented” and that this was driven “by long-time co-owner and ‘strongman’ of Alpine Bau, Mr Aluta-Oltyan, and the Spanish majority owner FCC”.
“The strategy of gaining market share and the consequent entry into new markets had a devastating impact on the profitability of the Alpine Group,” the report concludes.

Dietmar Aluta-Oltyan Photo by: Michel Heidi / Verlagsgruppe News / picturedesk.com

Dietmar Aluta-Oltyan is considered the mastermind and visionary of Alpine Bau.
The 70-year-old joined the company in 1968 and worked his way up to become a shareholder and managing director.
Around the turn of the millennium, under his leadership, Alpine began to expand abroad. But his co-shareholders Georg Pappas, the founder of Alpine, and engineer Otto Mierl kept a tight rein on their more adventurous colleagues.
The tide appeared to be turning against the ambitious Aluta-Oltyan when he was convicted of corruption in Germany in February 2006, related to a fee he paid to secure the construction contract for Bayern Munich’s landmark Allianz Arena.
He was given a two-year suspended sentence and a 1.8m euro fine, having already stepped down as managing director of Alpine Bau, the construction arm of the group.
Aluta-Oltyan then took up the job as executive director of Alpine Holding, the umbrella firm which managed Alpine Bau, its biggest company, but was ordered not to meddle in the construction firm’s work
But at that time, Spanish construction firm FCC snapped up shares from the more cautiously minded Pappas and Mierl in the last quarter of 2006, emerging as majority owners. This left the path clear for Aluta-Oltyan to unleash a turbo-charged expansion into the Balkans and beyond, despite the fact he no longer held an executive role, say company insiders.
The BDO audit reinforces this view, describing Aluta-Oltyan as the “strongman” of Alpine Bau, who was “active on the executive level without any checks and balances worth mentioning”.
“The management level responsible for the implementation of proper controls was dominated by Mr Aluta-Oltyan through to the beginning of 2012,” the report reads.
“This was the case despite the fact that he was not formally functioning as general manager nor was he on the supervisory board of Alpine Bau GmbH.
“This leadership style, tailored to one individual, and the accompanying corporate culture contributed decisively to the identified deficiencies in terms of structures, controls and transparency.”
A lawyer for Mr Aluta-Oltyan said in a statement that their client was bound to commercial confidentiality and could not answer our detailed questions about his “strongman” position and role leading Alpine Bau into foreign markets.
The lawyer added: “In the name of our client I would like to point out that numerous remarks and assumptions on which the questions are based are in part evidently incorrect. The image that is conveyed of my client is therefore incorrect as well.”
FCC, sole shareholders at the time of Alpine Bau's bankruptcy, did not respond to our requests for a comment.
‘Balkan Chaos’ warnings
From 2008 there were increasing complaints in Salzburg about colleagues in the south, insiders have told BIRN and DATUM.
 “It was chaos in the Balkans,” says one well placed ex-employee at Alpine Bau in Salzburg.
“For instance, we had 16 different payroll systems, nobody knew who worked where exactly and what their contracts looked like.”
Half a dozen ex-managers of Alpine Bau confirmed independently from each other that Balkan subsidiaries enjoyed greater freedom and that Aluta-Oltyan  took a personal interest in the firm’s foreign business.
Senior managers in Salzburg knew about some of the problems with the larger foreign projects as they were reported up the chain, but it’s not clear who was aware of the scale of losses.
Representatives of the majority stakeholder FCC were repeatedly informed of communication problems with the Balkan subsidiaries, according to sources close to the events.
“We told the Spaniards that it cannot continue the way it is,” says one ex-manager.
According to BDO, Alpine Bau was already effectively insolvent by October 2010.
The fact that no one had noticed earlier remains one of the great mysteries of the bankruptcy, although the auditors do criticise their internationally renowned peers Deloitte, who did not spot the problem when signing off the accounts in 2009, 2010 and 2011.
A spokeswoman for Deloitte Austria said she was confident that it had performed “diligent and proper audit work”.
“This [BDO] report is made on behalf of, and paid for by, the liquidator of Alpine and therefore not an objective opinion of an independent expert,” she added.
Banks had loaned Alpine Bau hundreds of millions of euros from 2010 onwards, 180m of which was guaranteed by the Austrian taxpayer. The public had also snapped up 290m euros of bonds in 2011 and 2012 as the firm attempted to inject fresh capital into the business.
Aluta-Oltyan left Alpine Bau in the spring of 2012, selling his 19.3 per cent holding to the majority stakeholder FCC for 52.6 million euros.
Losses uncovered by new auditors
The new boss from March 2012, Johannes Dotter, a former chairman of one of Alpine Bau’s Austrian competitors Porr AG, had ordered new audits into Alpine’s operations and the closing of failing Alpine offices abroad.
KPMG’s findings published internally in the summer of 2012 were shocking: the firm was sitting on customer invoices worth 300 to 400m euros which would never be paid, ripping a massive hole in the company balance sheets.
These were charges that Alpine had hoped to recoup from customers after costs for projects had risen above the initial contract price.
In October 2012, news of the KPMG report appeared in the press. This was the kiss of death for Alpine Bau which eventually went bust in June the following year.
But for Mrs Aluta-Oltyan, the wife of Alpine Bau’s former managing director, business in the Balkans continues to prosper.
In March this year she launched a new mining business, snapping up quarries worth 12m euros, including one Serbian-based mining company, Alpine Kamen – sold by the liquidators of its parent company Alpine Bau.

Don't miss tomorrow's extraordinary revelations of how a close-knit group of Alpine Bau employees, dubbed "The Family", ran operations for the Austrian giant in the Balkans.

This article was produced as part of a programme titled “A Paper Trail to Better Governance”, with funding from the Austrian Development Cooperation (ADC) and implemented by BIRN. The content does not reflect views and opinions of ADC.

 Das soll erneut Demokratie in Europa sein? Man kauft Politiker und installiert mit viel Geld irgendwelche Ratten, die käuflich sind.

 "Doch in Brüssel traut man Tsipras nicht über den Weg. Kommissionschef Juncker, der mit Tsipras im Wahlkampf sogar Fernsehdebatten geführt hatte, versucht nun, ihn als Radikalen abzustempeln. Die Griechen sollten sich vor einer "falschen Wahl" hüten und keinen "extremen Kräften" ihre Stimme geben, gab Juncker bei einer Debatte in Brüssel zum Besten. Bei der Präsidentschaftswahl in Griechenland, die am 17. Dezember beginnt, würde er "bekannte Gesichter" bevorzugen. Selten hat sich ein Kommissionschef so direkt und so dreist in eine Wahl in einem EU-Land eingemischt."

Juncker gegen Tsipras

Das griechische Parlament. Bild: W. Aswestopoulos

Das letzte Aufgebot der "Euroretter" gegen Alexis Tsipras

Die "Falun Gong" Sekte, ist entgegen der verbreiteten Auffassung, eine auch von der EU Politik geförderte Politische Gruppierung, welche engste Kontakte nach China pflegen. Zu den oft US, aber auch aus Deutschland gehörenden subersiven Elementen, auch für Demonstrationen gehört Falun Gong. Der Westen finanziert überall hunderte von NGO's, unter der Tarnung von Menschenrechten und Demokratie, kauft man die korruptesten oft naiv dummen Gestalten ein.

16 Dec 14

Croatia to Fine Gas Stations Selling Dodgy Fuel

Zagreb

16. Dezember 2014, 18:00 

 

Terrormiliz im Irak Deutscher Islamist in IS-Führung

Bild vergrößern

• Einer von Deutschlands radikalsten Islamisten, Reda Seyam, soll bei Gefechten im Irak ums Leben gekommen sein.
• Nach Informationen von SZ, NDR und WDR hat er unter dem Namen Dhul Qaranain im vom IS besetzten Mossul zwischenzeitlich als Bildungsminister amtiert.
• Seyam pflegte engen Kontakt zu Dennis Cuspert, der als Gangster-Rapper unter dem Namen Deso Dogg bekannt war und inzwischen in Syrien für den IS kämpft.

Von Marie Delhaes, Hans Leyendecker, Georg Mascolo

Unter all den radikalen Islamisten in Deutschland war der Deutsch-Ägypter Reda Seyam die wohl auffälligste Erscheinung: Die ARD widmete dem Deutsch-Ägypter schon vor Jahren eine TV-Dokumentation. Er galt als wirklich gefährlicher Gefährder, was ihm sogar gefiel, denn der schlagwütige Mann stellte sich Fremden schon mal mit "Reda Seyam, Al-Qaida-Mitglied" vor. Das fand er lustig.
Offenbar hat er es noch weiter gebracht. Aus deutschen Sicherheitskreisen ist zu erfahren, dass der einige Jahre in Berlin-Charlottenburg lebende Islamist, der sieben Kinder hat, zwischenzeitlich Bildungsminister in der vom IS besetzten Stadt Mossul geworden sein soll. Er soll dort nach Informationen von SZ, NDR und WDR unter dem Namen Dhul Qaranain amtiert haben.

Die Regierung in Bagdad bestätigt seinen Tod

Seyam, der es für eine "Pflicht" hielt, "Ungläubige umzubringen", soll unter anderem verfügt haben, dass die Fächer Musik, Kunst, Philosophie und christliche Theologie an Universitäten und Schulen in der zweitgrößten irakischen Stadt nicht mehr unterrichtet werden durften. Nach unbestätigten Informationen einer irakischen Nachrichtenseite soll er Anfang Dezember bei Gefechten nahe Mossul getötet worden sein. Auch die Regierung in Bagdad bestätigte am Dienstag seinen Tod.
Zwanzig Jahre lang war der gelernte Mathematiker an der Front im Heiligen Krieg. Nach Erkenntnissen von Sicherheitsbehörden soll er 1994 nach Bosnien gezogen sein, um den Glaubensbrüdern im Krieg gegen die Serben zu helfen. Offiziell war er für die Organisation "Menschen helfen Menschen" im Einsatz. Vermutlich war das nur Tarnung. Er soll die Mudschaheddin mit Waffen und Geld unterstützt haben.
Seine frühere Frau, eine Deutsche, hat unter dem Pseudonym Doris Glück ein Buch über die Ehe mit dem Islamisten geschrieben. Sie erzählt, auf dem Balkan habe Seyam Kontakt mit Ramzi Binalshibh gehabt, einem der Planer der Anschläge vom 11.................
http://www.sueddeutsche.de/politik/terrormiliz-im-irak-deutscher-islamist-in-is-fuehrung-1.2269804 

Etliche Minister wurden schon von Berlusconi und der Forca Italia festgenommen, als Vertreter der Ngharadetha, und der ehemalige Abgeordnete Massimo Romagnoli, wollte Waffen einkaufen für die Kolubianische FARK. Wirtschafts Lobby Verbände sind im Balkan, Ukraine und Weltweit hoch gefährliche Verbrecher Organisationen des Lobbyismus, der Bestechung kompletter Regierungen, und von Waffen Handel. Partner im Drogen Handel und Geldwäsche ohne Ende. Die EU Partner haben vor vielen Jahren das als Standard Modell ihrer Politik entdeckt, und in Berlin sowieso.
Montenegro, arrestato ex deputato
di Forza Italia Massimo Romagnoli

Il fermo su mandato di cattura delle autorità statunitensi. L'accusa di traffico di armi con le Farc. Con lui in manette anche due romeni

Raussland hat ja der EU gesagt, dann sollen sie die Gas Pipeline selber finanzieren, wenn man Vertrags brüchig nun in allen möglichen Varianten überall wird und nun will die EU plötzlich weiter verhandeln, sprich: Die EU ist ein Erpresser Club geworden, wo die Dümmsten sich Kommissare nennen. Das South Stream Desaster, ist schon einmalig in der Welt mit den Verbrechern aus der Ukraine organisiert.

Serbia to Cut 27,000 Public Sector Jobs

Serbia’s parliament started discussing a draft budget for 2015 which contains plans to reduce the number of workers in state-owned companies and the public sector by five per cent.
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Dear friends of ESI,
2014 was a year of protests: from Ukraine to Bulgaria, from Bosnia to Macedonia. Some protests had dramatic consequences: in Ukraine, after snipers took aim at a crowd of demonstrators, the president fled the country and a new era began. Other protests triggered early elections, as in Bulgaria. And some protests, such as those in Bosnia, made headlines for only a moment, changing almost nothing.
Let us begin our end of year newsletter with some reflections on protests, and two new ESI publications.

Bulgarians are the least happy people in Europe. At least according to the latest World Happiness Report that ranked Bulgaria 144^th out of 156 nations, behind Iraqis and Afghans, Congolese and Haitians. Last year Bulgaria made international headlines when young people killed themselves in spectacular ways in public places. In March 2013 a young man set himself on fire in Varna to demand the resignation of the mayor. Five others did the same in early 2013. In November 2014 a woman tried to set herself ablaze outside the president's office.
Bulgaria also remains the poorest EU member state, with the GDP per capita less than half of the EU average. Almost a quarter century has passed since Bulgarians first held democratic elections in 1990 and began their transition. Within the European Union Bulgaria has long been cited as an example to illustrate the limits of the transformative power of the EU.
Today more than eight in ten Bulgarians (84 percent) tell Eurostat that corruption is widespread in their country. Has the process of EU enlargement as a motor of change failed in Bulgaria, as the conventional wisdom in many EU capitals suggests?
In a new essay in our 12-part series "Return to Europe Revisited", supported by ERSTE Stiftung in Vienna, we take a closer look:
We conclude that the narrative of Bulgaria's failed transition, and its image as hopelessly poor, corrupt and desperate, is unconvincing.
Bulgaria's pessimism is also not the pessimism of an apathetic society. Dissatisfaction with the present instead turns into a motor for further change and transformation. In recent years Bulgarians have increasingly taken to the streets. There have been protests against shale gas exploration, the construction of a new nuclear power plant, amendments to the forestry law favouring the timber industry and planned construction in the "Strandzha" natural park. In early 2013 there were mass demonstrations against a rise in electricity prices and against the mayor of the coastal city of Varna. In summer 2013 tens of thousands demanded the resignation of a newly appointed head of the State Agency for National Security. These protests continued until mid-2014. What is striking is that these protests had an impact and are driven by the desire to catch up.  As Georgy Ganev, a Bulgarian economist, explains, "Once a Moskvitch was better than a Trabant or a Zaporozhets. Now an Opel is much worse than a BMW." This is unlikely to change any time soon. For now, there is still a lot of life left in Bulgarian pessimism.

On 7 February 2014 violence broke out in Tuzla, the regional capital of Tuzla Canton in Northern Bosnia. War veterans, unemployed youth and football supporters of the local club took to the streets. The core group of protestors were former workers in socially owned enterprises. Demonstrators entered the cantonal government building and set it on fire. The same day violent clashes spread to other Bosnian cities, Zenica, Sarajevo, Mostar and Bihac. Already on 7 February Tuzla protestors published a declaration that stated that "Today in Tuzla a new future is being created."
A group of protestors in the city of Bihac called itself "Bosnian spring." The people, one observer noted, "had been sleeping for two decades," but had now woken up. "Politicians have been drinking our blood", one protestor told a journalist, "If we shed some of their blood in the process, so be it." In fact, nobody died, although hundreds of people, among them a large number of police officers, were injured.
One year later it is obvious that the February protests did not change Bosnia. They did not change the debate on its economy. They did not bring about the rise of new parties. They did not bring legislative change. Why?
After February citizens' assemblies sprang up in city after city. And they formulated demands. In Tuzla protestors called for the "establishment of a technical government" of people who had never been in government before, to be chosen by "workers and students." This government of experts was to annul the privatisation of a number of specific firms in the canton and to "return factories to workers… to start production in those factories where it is possible." Other demands focused on paying outstanding social security contributions to former workers in socially owned enterprises, and to look better after the interests of veterans. As we argue in a new report, this was a thinly veiled call to return to the golden era of socialist self-management:
For this reason we are also reissuing a shorter version of a report we published one decade ago. In fact, Bosnia has lost much more than a year in lack of progress. It is currently the only country in the Balkans where a report written to describe how development was failing in 2004 remains completely relevant in 2014, since so little has changed.
The biggest challenge for leaders in Bosnia in 2015 will be to carry out reforms in the face of strong illusions about the causes of the Bosnian development crisis.

It’s always interesting, in a cringe-inducing way, to read the “traveler’s” take on Kosovo. This chick is a “feminist author and political activist,” so her ethnic identity naturally means nothing to her. Certainly not something worth defending, unlike those modern, generic, compulsory transnational values like gay and women’s rights. Not surprisingly, her observations read somewhat incoherent and self-contradictory:
Kosovo Is Not Serbia (Huffington Post, Sept. 9, By Jasmina Tesanovic)

…As one of our friends in the region put it, being an American in Kosovo is like being a pope. You will be asked all kinds of questions and told about all kind of injustices. Nobody in Kosovo has forgotten 1999, so the papal Americans are like angels of mercy with airborne bombs.
Being a Serb in a region that looks quite like Serbia, I walked around thoughtlessly talking in Serbian…With almost every Serb ethnically cleansed, there’s nobody left to speak it, just empty Orthodox churches turned into tourist attractions while the town abounds with pizza and burger joints with English-language menus…Especially notorious to me are the war crimes committed by Serbian military forces against the Albanian population, which led to the bombings by NATO in 1999.
It’s the globalized life in Kosovo that is really new — the crammed life of a young population stuck inside a frozen conflict, an ethnic canton, a tiny, not-yet-internationally recognized, European republic. Tensions abound in this little fishbowl of a country where all the great powers can look in, but none of the locals can escape. Unemployment, alcoholism, corruption, smuggling goods, smuggling people….
The shadow of another lost international regime, the Ottoman Empire, lies heavy here. There are still a few households where people speak old-fashioned Turkish, and besides, Turkey is nearby: NATO Turco-globalism, with Turkish soap operas, Turkish coffee, Turkish food, Turkish architecture and construction companies. Istanbul is the aspirational capital in southern Kosovo. If something is fancy, it’s in big-town Istanbul style.
The pride and joy of the locals is the major mosque built by the famous architect Sinan in the heyday of Suleiman the Magnificent. Muezzin towers abound in Prizren, and every one of them has a taped recital of the daily calls to prayer…The narrow streets of Prizren swarm with tourists, eating cheap, excellent street food paid for in euros. Kosovo is a NATO EU Muslim enclave; the “KFOR” units have been guarding it for the past two decades. Uniforms and jeeps mingle with the SUVs of wealthy local bosses, expensive private cars whose drivers despise the pedestrians. Modest Prizren has the pace of some much bigger city; locals seem tense and busy, and even the beggars are antic.
…Istanbul, Cairo, Baghdad are the urban shadows over this town, which is 90 percent Muslim…a projection about the Turkish soap opera industry stops them in their tracks…The coffee drinkers stop to cluster and marvel…These television dramas have fans in Greece, Bulgaria, Egypt, and Serbia, even — every district where Ottoman rule once held sway.
I myself have watched these serials, amazed and dazed. As an ex-Ottoman, ex-Yugoslav, ex-whatever-dies-next, it’s astonishing to see how much the Ottoman culture of unwritten laws, food and history persists in the 21st-century Balkans. The women in these soap operas don’t have any mild “first-world problems” — their dramatic conflicts involve child marriages, grandfathers who are tribal mafia, gangland honor killings. Some are cosmopolitan because they leave their state; others turn cosmopolitan because their empire bloodily crumbles around them.
…
On the way back to Serbia, there was a five-hour queue of cars on the Serbian border. Polite officers were deliberately slow, as if saying, “You wanted a border, and now you have it.” I remembered how, 100 years ago, my grandfather survived the Thessaloniki front, retreating through Albania with very few other Serbian soldiers who’d taken part in that war, far, far away from Serbia…My grandma never forgave my grandpa for fighting wars far away from his homeland as an idealistic fool. If he hadn’t come back, my mother never would have been born, and neither would I.
Time has come to quote Max Frisch, the Swiss writer in this useless, never-ending Serbo/Albanian conflict: I want to live for my country, not to die for it!

Must be nice to be above it all. And notice how the “Stop it already!” attitude we’ve come to expect from Western ignoramuses on this issue makes its entrance in typical fashion: following an illustration of Serbian bitterness or ‘misbehavior.’
Whether her title “Kosovo is Not Serbia” was meant in a political sense, or as a nutshell of her various observations about the place, I don’t know. But we already know that Turkish PM Erdogan agrees, as he made clear around this time last year:
Serbia: Turkish PM meddling with Kosovo statement (AFP, Oct. 25, 2013)

… “The declarations of the Turkish Prime Minister… represent a severe violation of international law and interference in Serbia’s internal affairs,” a Serbian government statement said. Erdogan’s comments “harm relations between Belgrade and Ankara and disturb efforts deployed by Serbia to normalise the situation in the region, notably in Kosovo,” it added.
Erdogan told a cheering crowd on Wednesday that “Kosovo is Turkey and Turkey is Kosovo,” emphasising the two nations’ shared history and culture. He was accompanied by his counterparts in Kosovo and Albania, Hashim Thaci and Edi Rama, respectively.
Turkey was among the first countries to recognise Kosovo’s independence.

It was also the first to tell Kosovo that, thanks to Turkey’s efforts, Pakistan would be recognizing its statehood; in fact, Kosovo is Turkey so much so that they were assigned the same Pakistani ambassador:
Pakistan recognises Kosovo (Dec. 24, 2012)

ISLAMABAD: Pakistan on Monday officially recognised Kosovo as an independent state…. “The Government of Pakistan has decided to accord recognition to the Republic of Kosovo. The decision has been made in accordance with aspirations of the people of Kosovo,” the Foreign Office said in a statement.
Pakistan is the 98th country among 193 UN-member states to recognise Kosovo, which declared independence on Feb 17, 2008.
Pakistan’s Ambassador to Turkey has been accredited to Kosovo as the country’s envoy.
Turkey has played a major role in convincing Pakistan to recognise Kosovo. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan informed Kosovar Prime Minister Hashim Thaci about Islamabad’s decision even before it was officially announced.
…
Islamabad had supported Kosovo’s cause in the United Nations. However, it always shied away from officially recognising it because of implications of such a move. The unilateral declaration of independence by Kosovo was seen as a precedent for resolving ethnic conflicts on considerations other than territorial integrity of countries. It was also feared that the Kosovo principle could at a subsequent stage be applied to other separatist movements.

Kosovo as Turkey also can be seen in Kosovo’s language treatment:

Overcoming language barriers in Kosovo (SETimes.com, Aug. 27, 2012)

…Albanian and Serbian are the official languages in Kosovo, and Turkish is in official use in the municipalities of Prizren, Gjilan and Mamusha…Nesa Milojevic, a Kosovo Serb from Kamenica, said[,] “…I see many times that the words [in Serbian] are written with grammatical mistakes and sometimes they sound funny…It might seem unimportant for the others, but being a Serb, those mistakes take your eye immediately.” …Shukran Bejtullahu, a member of the Turkish minority, says Turkish is not much used in Pristina in institutions or on official documents, “but it is much better in Prizren… [where] all institutions have their names written in Turkish as well.” […]

Serbia condemns Turkish PM Erdoğan’s remarks (Hurriyet Daily News, Oct. 25, 2013).....
http://www.juliagorin.com/wordpress/?p=3124

****UPDATE****
Reader Bojan points out that the AP’s resident Albanian writer, Nebi Qena, who was put on this story, “naturally portrayed organ-trafficker-in-chief Thaci as the good guy who ‘condemns’ the act; but the fact that the story was even reported is surprising to say the least.”

Jewish cemetery in Kosovo capital desecrated: ‘Jews out’ spray-painted on memorial for Jewish families who perished during World War II. (AP, via Israel News, Dec. 1)

Police in Kosovo are investigating who sprayed swastikas on dozens of tombstones in a Jewish cemetery recently restored by American and Kosovan students, a spokesman said Thursday.
Brahim Sadrija said police had sealed off the cemetery in the capital, Kosovo, and are looking for clues. The vandalism is believed to have happened Tuesday.
…
In June, a group of students from Dartmouth College in New Hampshire and their peers from the American University in Kosovo restored the neglected cemetery by clearing debris from around the graves and cutting overgrown grass.
Rabbi Edward S. Boraz of the college’s Roth Center for Jewish Life held a dedication ceremony at the memorial site, with students taking turns to read out the names of Jewish families from the region who perished during World War II.

I remember those poor suckers, and have been meaning to write about that visit. Note that when it comes to Americans and the Balkans, even the Ivy League gets only a remedial-level education, as my follow-up blog will illustrate. In advance of the PR trip, a boob named Jason Steinbaum was dispatched from NY Rep. Eliot Engel’s office to tell the wiz kids all they’d need to know about Kosovo, a briefing that was more or less three general-issue paragraphs.

Jason Steinbaum, “expert”; senior foreign affairs committee staffer for Rep. Eliot Engel, D-N.Y.
According to the article about the cemetery desecration, it seems the Albanians haven’t forgotten their German. Well, almost:

On Thursday the hate graffiti “Jud Raus” - a misspelling of the German “Juden Raus,” which means “Jews out” - could still be seen at the foot of a memorial.
President Atifete Jahjaga and Prime Minister Hashim Thaci condemned the act.
“The damaging of cemeteries presents an act in complete contradiction with the traditions and values of the people of Kosovo, based on tolerance and full respect for all the dead and all the monuments,” Jahjaga said in a statement.

For all the dead? Really? In that case, where have such statements from Kosovo officials been for the countlessOrthodoxcemeteries lying in ruins all across Kosovo? Those cemeteries that are regularly destroyed, including after restoration, forcing Serbs to dig up their dead and rebury them in Serbia? So…what is the contradiction today with Kosovo’s traditions and values?


(Flashback: “[Radmila] wished to be buried alongside her late husband in the Orthodox Christian graveyard, which has been the target of persistent attacks and vandalism since June 1999…Apparently to be buried there is seen as a provocation to ethnic Albanians, but it seems that no one sees the continual vandalism of Christian graves or churches by Albanians as provocation. Incidentally, the old Jewish graveyard adjacent to the Orthodox graveyard has also been vandalised.“)
Back again to the current article about the Jewish cemetery:
............
http://www.juliagorin.com/wordpress/?p=2755
Kosovo police arrest 2 suspected Islamic radicals (AP, Aug. 14)

Kosovo police say they have arrested two suspected Islamic radicals including a cleric considered by the authorities to be the main recruiter for Kosovo’s jihadi fighters in Iraq and Syria.
Police said the cleric is believed to be “one of the main sources of inspiration for jihad” among Kosovo’s faithful. He was identified by Kosovo media as Imam Zekerija Qerimi, the leader of prayers in city of Gnjilane, eastern Kosovo.
Both of those arrested are suspected of recruiting followers for terrorist activity and participating in terrorist organizations.

Gnjilane? You don’t say! First we had an Albanian saying the ISISniks are doing no different from the “secular/moderate/reasonable” U.S. partners, the KLA. Now, we have the main recruiter — a religious Muslim Albanian — having led prayers in Gnjilane, a 1990s KLA stronghold, hotbed of violent separatism, and Serb-torture Central.
******APPENDIX******

KLA, 1999. So what’s different between ISIS and KLA other than their designated enemies?
KLA Cut Off People’s Heads (Vecernje Novosti, Nov. 2, 2003)
Members of the notorious so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), who waged a campaign of terror in Kosovo and Metohija for many years, especially against the Serbian population (in 1999 the KLA had approximately 20,000 armed men) continue to roam the southern province today wearing different badges and under different names, doing everything possible to achieve their grand dream - an independent, Albanian Kosovo.
…
Exposing themselves to the possible risks that investigations of this sort entail, the journalists of “Novosti”, after some days of searching and cross-referencing facts from multiple sources, arrived at information that enabled them to “revisit” this case with relative reliability and “revive” this photograph of a horrible scene.
THE PLAYERS: The Albanian in the middle of the victory celebration is Sadik Cuflaj, KLA member from the Decani area.
The young man to his left is his son Valon Cuflaj, born in April 1981 in the village of Prilep, municipality of Decani. He has an UNMIK identity card and is now a member of the Kosovo Protection Corps with the rank of lieutenant. He works in the inspector’s office in Pec. UNMIK has taken disciplinary measures against him on two occasions.
It is assumed that these murderers belonged to one of the units commanded by Ramush and Daut Haradinaj, which operated in the zone of Decani - Pec.
With great caution and piety, after cross-checking, our reporters were led to the assumption that the visible human head on the right is the head of Bojan Cvetkovic, born in Nis in 1972. A comparison with a photograph published in the book “Junaci otadzbine” [Heroes of the Fatherland] also leads us to the same assumption.
…
His days as a soldier were few. On April 11 [1999] he was abducted by members of the vicious KLA on the Prizren - Pristina road near Suva Reka.
Four other soldiers were captured at the same time: Zarko Filipovic, Dragoljub Tanaskovic, Dragan Vucetic and Zivota Topalovic.
…
Another photograph reveals a horrific spectacle: Sadik Cuflaj is placing one of the severed heads in a large bag!
Is the bag full of the heads of young Serbian men?
This story and these photographs are just a small part of the crimes by ethnic Albanians committed by members of the so-called Liberation Army.
Today these same men wear the uniforms of the Protection Corps (approximately 5,000 members of the former KLA are in the Corps), establishing “multiethnic order” in devastated Kosovo.
Thus, they are protected by the international community. Thus, all their crimes have been forgiven. Thus, their wartime leaders and their commanders, now dressed in elegant uniforms, can travel to the capitals of the world and participate in roundtable discussions where they supposedly discuss peace. […]

In a roundup of Balkans terrorism, extremism, and “militant Islamism,” a painstakingly researched article this past February by Gordon Bardos, former assistant director of Columbia University’s Harriman Institute, included some interesting details (excerpted below) about Our-Friends-the-Docile-Balkans-Muslims. The headline “Our Goal is Jerusalem,” is a reference to the earlier-mentioned Bajram Ikanović cited in Serbia’s Politika magazine last July after an interview he gave to the Bosnian website Source.ba (thanks to Serbianna.com’s Mickey Bozinovich for tracking down the original). This Bosnian Muslim recruiter — and by some newspaper accounts a rebel leader — had gone to Syria “to establish Allah’s law on Earth,” adding that he and his compatriots “have as a goal to die ‘especially in battle against Jews…Syria absolutely does not matter to us, our goal is Jerusalem. I am not viewed as citizen of Bosnia, we think the same from Kazakhstan to Iceland.’”

The blue-eyed ‘White al Qaeda” they told us they’d activate. This could have been an ad for trail mix, but that just wasn’t austere enough for Bajro.
“Our Goal is Jerusalem” – Militant Islamists in Southeast Europe (Feb. 8, 2014, Gordon N. Bardos)

Die korrupten EU und Deutschen Politiker, wie Steinmeier und Schäuble, fürchten um den Black-out der eigenen Banken Mafia. Also werden immer wieder neue Geschichten erfunden, weil man mit allen Mitteln der Erpressung die SYRIZA Partei verhindern will.

Deutsche Medien erfinden Bank-Run in Griechenland

CADTM: Hände weg von Griechenland!

Der Iran Contra Skandal in den USA, spielte sich im US Staat: Arkansas ab, wo Bill Clinton Governeuer war und seine Ehefrau Hillary Clinton Millionen daran verdiente, als Anwältin der Prominenz der Super Drogen Schmuggler und der Militärs. Mit Marc Rich, war ein Welt operierender Verbrecher ebenso ein Langzeit Parnter, identisch wie Yassin Kadi und Bin Laden im Balkan, wobei Yassin Kadi Zeitgleich Financier auch von Izbegovic und Recep Erdogan war.


'The Kosovo Liberations Army: Does Clinton Policy Support Grouop with Terror, Drug Ties?From 'Terrorists' to 'Partners' On March 24, 1999, NATO initiated air attacks on Yugoslavia (a federation of two republics, On March 24, 1999, NATO initiated air attacks on Yugoslavia (a federation of two republics, Serbia and Montenegro) in order to impose a peace agreement in the Serbian province of Kosovo, which has an ethnic Albanian majority. The Clinton Administration has not formally withdrawn its standing insistence that Belgrade sign the peace agreement, which would entail the deployment in Kosovo of some 28,000 NATO ground troops -- including 4,000 Americans -- to police the settlement. But in recent days the Clinton public line has shifted to a demand that Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic halt the offensive he has launched in Kosovo, which has led to a growing humanitarian crisis in the region, before there can be a stop to the bombing campaign. One week into the bombing campaign, there is widespread discussion of options for further actions. One option includes forging a closer relationship between the United States and a controversial group, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), a group which has been cited in unofficial reports for alleged ties to drug cartels and Islamic terrorist organizations. This paper will examine those allegations in the context of the currently unfolding air campaign. Results of Week One The air assault is a product of a Clinton policy, which for months has been directed toward intervention in Kosovo, in either the form of the use of air power or of the introduction of a peacekeeping ground force -- or of air power followed by a ground force. [For details on the turbulent history of Kosovo and of the direction of Clinton policy leading to the current air campaign, see: ..............and "Bosnia II: The Clinton Administration Sets Course for NATO Intervention in Kosovo," 8/12/98.] Just hours before the first bombs fell, the Senate voted 58 to 41 (with 38 Republicans voting in the negative) to authorize air and missile strikes against Yugoslavia (S. Con. Res. 21). The Senate then approved by voice vote a second resolution expressing support for members of the U.S. Armed Forces engaged in military operations against Yugoslavia (S. Res. 74). Prior to the air campaign, the stated goal of Clinton policy, as noted above, was Belgrade's acceptance of the peace agreement signed by the Kosovo Albanian delegation (which included representatives of the KLA) on March 17. Now, more than a week into the air campaign, that goal appears even more elusive as the NATO attack has rallied Serbian resistance to what they see as an unjustified foreign aggression. Since the NATO bombing campaign began, Serbian security forces also have intensified an offensive in Kosovo that began as the airstrikes appeared inevitable. According to numerous media reports, tens of thousands of Albanians are fleeing the Serb army, and police forces and paramilitary groups that, based on credible allegations, are committing widespread atrocities, including summary executions, burnings of Albanian villages, and assassination of human rights activists and community leaders. Allied officials have denounced the apparently deliberate forced exodus of Albanian civilians as ethnic cleansing and even genocide. But according to some refugee accounts, the NATO bombing is also a factor in the exodus: "[M]ost residents of the provincial capital say they are leaving of their own accord and are not being forced out at gunpoint, as residents of several western cities and villages in Kosovo say has been happening to them. . . . Pristina residents who made it to Macedonia said their city is still largely intact, despite the targeting of ethnic Albanian businesses by Serbian gangs and several direct hits from NATO air strikes in the city center" ["Cause of Kosovar Exodus from Pristina Disputed: Serbs Are Forcing Exit, Some Claim; Others Go on Own," Washington Times, 3/31/99]. At the same time, the Clinton Administration, consistent with its track record on Kosovo, has ignored credible but unconfirmed evidence from sources not connected to Milosevic's Serbian government that the NATO campaign has resulted in far more civilian damage than has been acknowledged. Making Things Worse? The Clinton Administration and NATO officials flatly reject any suggestion that their policy has exacerbated an already bad situation on the ground in Kosovo. With neighboring Albania and Macedonia in danger of being destabilized by a flood of refugees, questions are being raised about NATO's ability to continue the campaign unless positive results are evident soon:

"With critics arguing that the NATO campaign has made things worse, the alliance must slow the Serbs' onslaught or watch public support and alliance unity unravel. U.S. and NATO officials angrily rebutted the critics, arguing that Mr. Milosevic, the Serbian leader, and his forces were already on the rampage before NATO strikes began." ["NATO Is Set to Target Sites in Belgrade,"Wall Street Journal, 3/29/99]

If the immediate NATO goal has now shifted to stopping the Serb offensive in Kosovo, observers point to three likely options [WSJ, 3/29/99]: "Option One is to continue the air campaign, increasingly targeting Serb frontline troops [in Kosovo], but it could be days before the onslaught is really slowed." This option, which NATO has already begun to implement, is likely to entail greater risk to NATO aircraft and crews, due to the lower and slower flightpaths needed to deliver tactical strikes. Still, most observers doubt the offensive can be halted with air power alone. Late reports indicate increased bombing of targets in Belgrade, the capital of both the Yugoslav federation and the Serbian republic. "Option Two is to start considering intervening on the ground." In recent days, the Clinton Administration has begun to shift its position on NATO ground troops from a categorical assurance that ground troops would go in only to police a peace settlement to hints that they might, depending on some unspecified "conditions," be introduced into a combat environment. For example, in comments on March 28, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs General Henry Shelton suggested that certain "assessments" had been made, but that there was as yet no political agreement on ground troops:

"There have been assessments made, but those assessments were based on varying conditions that existed in Kosovo... At this point in time, there are no plans per se to introduce ground troops." [NBC's"Meet the Press," 3/28/99]

"Option Three: arming the separatist Kosovo Liberation Army to carry the war on the ground while NATO continues it from the air." This option, which would make NATO the overt air force of the KLA, would also dash any possibility of a solution that would not result in a change in Balkan borders, perhaps setting off a round of widespread regional instability. Clinton Administrations officials have begun to suggest that independence may now be justified in view of the Serb offensive. The KLA has been explicit in its determination to not only achieve an independent Kosovo but to "liberate" Albanian-inhabited areas of Montenegro (including the Montenegrin capital, Podgorica), Macedonia (including the Macedonian capital, Skopje), and parts of northern Greece; most of these areas were in fact annexed to Albania under Axis occupation during World War II. (For a visual representation of the areas claimed by the KLA, see the map at the website of the pro-KLA Albanian-American Civic League at www.aacl.com Note that arming and training the KLA, as called for in Option Three, would highlight serious questions about the nature of the KLA and of the Clinton Administration's relationship with it. The KLA: from 'Terrorists' to 'Partners' The Kosovo Liberation Army "began on the radical fringe of Kosovar Albanian politics, originally made up of diehard Marxist-Leninists (who were bankrolled in the old days by the Stalinist dictatorship next door in Albania) as well as by descendants of the fascist militias raised by the Italians in World War II" ["Fog of War -- Coping With the Truth About Friend and Foe: Victims Not Quite Innocent,"New York Times, 3/28/99]. The KLA made its military debut in February 1996 with the bombing of several camps housing Serbian refugees from wars in Croatia and Bosnia [Jane's Intelligence Review, 10/1/96]. The KLA (again according to the highly regarded Jane's,) "does not take into consideration the political or economic importance of its victims, nor does it seem at all capable of seriously hurting its enemy, the Serbian police and army. Instead, the group has attacked Serbian police and civilians arbitrarily at their weakest points. It has not come close to challenging the region's balance of military power" [Jane's, 10/1/96]. The group expanded its operations with numerous attacks through 1996 but was given a major boost with the collapse into chaos of neighboring Albania in 1997, which afforded unlimited opportunities for the introduction of arms into Kosovo from adjoining areas of northern Albania, which are effectively out of the control of the Albanian government in Tirana. From its inception, the KLA has targeted not only Serbian security forces, who may be seen as legitimate targets for a guerrilla insurgency, but Serbian and Albanian civilians as well. In view of such tactics, the Clinton Administration's then-special envoy for Kosovo, Robert Gelbard, had little difficulty in condemning the KLA (also known by its Albanian initials, UCK) in terms comparable to those he used for Serbian police repression: Robert Gelbard: Fatos Klosi: Albanian Secret Service

"'The violence we have seen growing is incredibly dangerous,' Gelbard said. He criticized violence 'promulgated by the (Serb) police' and condemned the actions of an ethnic Albanian underground group Kosovo Liberation Army (UCK) which has claimed responsibility for a series of attacks on Serb targets. 'We condemn very strongly terrorist actions in Kosovo. The UCK is, without any questions, a terrorist group,' Gelbard said." [Agence France Presse, 2/23/98]

Mr. Gelbard's remarks came just before a KLA attack on a Serbian police station led to a retaliation that left dozens of Albanians dead, leading in turn to a rapid escalation of the cycle of violence. Responding to criticism that his earlier remarks might have been seen as Washington's "green light" to Belgrade that a crack-down on the KLA would be acceptable, Mr. Gelbard offered to clarify to the House Committee on International Relations:

"Questioned by lawmakers today on whether he still considered the group a terrorist organization, Mr. Gelbard said that while it has committed'terrorist acts,'it has 'not been classified legally by the U.S. Government as a terrorist organization.'" [New York Times, 3/13/98]

........................ http://www.fas.org/irp/world/para/docs/fr033199.htm September 19, 2005 js-2727 Treasury Designates Bin Laden, Qadi Associate The U.S. Department of the Treasury today designated Dr. Abdul Latif Saleh pursuant to Executive Order 13224 for providing support to Usama bin Laden and al Qaida………………. http://www.ustreas.gov/press/releases/js2727.htm 08.12.200509:50 (GMT) The Albanian government has seized the assets and bank accounts of Abdul Latif Saleh who allegedly worked with Osama bin Laden to supporting terror networks in Albania, Serbianna reported citing Albanian Finance Ministry. Albania blocked 33 bank accounts in three commercial banks as well as assets and investments in Saleh’s businesses and civic organizations he was involved with. Saleh founded an Albanian jihadist group that has been bankrolled by the Al Haramain Foundation, an Islamic charity with alleged links to al-Qaida. Saleh is believed to be associated with Yasin al Qadi, a Saudi businessman. Abdul Latif Saleh, who holds Jordanian and Albanian citizenship, left Albania three years ago. He was placed on a UN sanctions list in September. He is also being investigated for alleged money-laundering for al-Qaida. Earlier this year, Albanian authorities seized property and froze the assets of four foundations and a married couple accused by the United Nations of funding terrorist activities.http://www.axisglobe.com/news.asp?news=5026

Financial Infrastructure of Islamic Extremists in the Balkans

I am posting this on behalf of TF Blog contributor Darko Trifunovic. Shortly I will be posting two presentations Darko made at the recent Institute for Counterterrorism conference in Herzliya, Israel. Darko’s post follows: ………………………
http://www.terrorfinance.org/the_terror_finance_blog/2007/09/financial-infra.html
Albanian Secret Service Chief Fatos Klosi in 16.5.1998 in der “Albania” durch den Albanischen Geheimdienst Chef Fatos Klosi: KLA (UCK) is financed by Bin LadenEuropean Union has blacklisted other Macedonian citizens of Albanian nationality. Among those added to the blacklist are Idayet Beqiri - leader of so-called Albanian National Army (ANA), Ljirim Jakupi and Agim Krasniqi - leaders of armed group in Kondovo, Fatmir Limani, Ruzhdi Matoshi - Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA) Representative in Parliament, Naser Misimi, Taip Mustafa - National Liberation Army (NLA) commander from Gostivar, Ermus Suma - member of Ali Ahmeti's security and Sami Ukshini.Source: MakfaxSTEINER: ALBANIAN NATIONAL ARMY IS A TERRORIST ORGANIZATIONFinancial Infrastructure of Islamic Extremists in the BalkansNATO Training Camps in North Albania with Islam Terrorist Citizens of Bosnia-Herzegovina need help, because they cannot fight against this pestilence alone. One should be careful to differentiate the extremists from the Muslim population in general; one of the extremists’ goals is to foment conflict between all Muslims and modern civilization. This is what the leaders of Al-Qaeda in Kosovo are doing. According to expert information, the top extremists in the area are: Ramush Haradinaj, Hashim Taqi, Ilaz Selimi, Ahmed Krasniqi (Haradinaj’s enemy), Setmir Krasniqi (organized crime) Muxhar Basha, Snu Lumaj, Ismet Bexhet, Remi Mustafa, Nazmi Bekteshi, Xhimshit Osmani, Ramadan Dermaku, Luzim Aliju i Baylush Rustemi. All are connected to imam Omar Behmen. Their funding comes from various sources, but all have in common the Swiss enterprise called “Phoenix,” owned by Qazim Osmonaj. Another man worth mentioning is Abdullah Duhayman, a Saudi citizen, the founder of the “Islamic Balkan Center” Zenica, Bosnia. Duhayman is one of the main contacts and financiers of Ekrem Avdiu of Kosovska Mitrovica, a veteran of the Bosnian war and the founder of UCK’s mujahid’din unit “Abu Bakr Sadeq.” http://whitepaper.prohosts.org/whitepaper.htm Qazim Osmonaj = Qazim Osmoni [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wfC0N4bT3mM&hl=de_DE&fs=1&]    

• The Unspoken Obama Lie That Led to Benghazi

  Mi 24 Sep 2014 15:21:17 CEST· by afraidfortherepublic· 19 replies
  

  The American Thinker ^ | 9-24-14 | Jack Cashill

  To make a difference going forward, Trey Gowdy and the House’s Benghazi select committee may want to ask how the U.S. got involved in Libya in the first place. What they will discover is that Barack Obama borrowed a page from the Clinton playbook on Kosovo, a lethal exercise in mendacity unparalleled in recent American history. Much of the mischief I unearthed in my forthcoming book, You Lie!, I expected to find. This nugget surprised me. In his March 2011 address to the nation, Barack Obama laid out the case for America’s surprise military intervention in Libya. “We knew that...

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The time is ripe for a substantive national debate on the future of Kosovo schools – how to prepare the next generation of Kosovars to meet professional challenges in a radically uncertain future.
Kosovo has the youngest population in Europe, with half its population under the age of 26.^[1] A quarter of the population is in schools at any given time. In the coming decade, these students will be leaving schools and will face a most uncertain future. If things go well, today's students will help their country catch up with the rest of Europe. If things go badly, they will be deprived of prospects, short of jobs and income, tempted to take to the streets in protest or to seek to emigrate.
Schools and education affect almost every Kosovo household. This applies to young Kosovo Albanians, but equally to Kosovo Serbs, Gorani and Roma. These young people should be Kosovo's golden generation, the first generation to grow up under conditions of both peace and democracy. It could also become Kosovo's lost generation, with its hopes crushed by the worst labor market for the young on the whole continent. All of the country's leaders, Albanian and Serb, have to answer this question: what could and what should they do now, despite limited public resources, to prepare this generation of students for the challenges of the 21^st century?
Any reform must be debated widely in order to convince not just civil servants in the capital, but thousands of teachers and school officials as well. It must make sense to school directors, teachers, students and families of pupils across Kosovo. It must start from where Kosovo is today. What do teachers in different schools across the country think constitutes good education? What do they think they are preparing students for? What do students or their parents expect?
Imagine you are entering a classroom in one of 989 primary and lower secondary schools in Kosovo. Let us assume this is a seventh year Albanian language class. What do you see?
There are desks lined up in three rows, two chairs per desk and a blackboard, similar to millions of other classrooms around the world. There is no other equipment in the room. Since this is the seventh grade the teacher is likely to be a man (the majority of primary school teachers covering the early years of schooling are women, whereas the subject teachers in the upper years tend to be men). He is most likely older than 45. There are between 20 and 35 students, depending on whether it is a rural or an urban school. In front of every student there are two mandatory subject textbooks: "Albanian Language 7" and the literature reader "Reading 7." Since 2008, these textbooks have been distributed to all students for free at the beginning of each school year. The teacher does not have a choice of textbooks: there is one assigned set per year.
These textbooks were first selected by textbook commissions put together by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology almost a decade ago and have been reprinted every year since then. There are no other books in the classroom. Most elementary schools do not have funds for additional learning material, for printing and copying services, or computer labs that would allow students to look for supplementary learning material online. Most children come from families that have few books at home, and live in towns or villages with limited or no access to any public libraries.
Currently the total number of students in the first nine years of schooling in Kosovo is 278,000. More than 10 per cent of the students live on social assistance. They come from families in which the majority of the parents do not have work, as less than 40 per cent of the working age population in Kosovo have a job. They might be aware that once they leave school they will face the toughest labour market in Europe. This is particularly true for the girls in the classroom.
In recent months ESI interviewed a large and diverse group of people shaping elementary education in Kosovo: ministry and municipal officials, teachers and students, textbook authors, publishers and education researchers, international donors and companies and organizations that provide technical assistance. We examined all basic laws and strategies outlining the national goal of primary education. One school director told us:

"Imagine, the Ministry has so far approved so many strategies since its establishment [in 2002] but it is unclear how many of them were implemented… They have no idea how schools work and come up with these curricula and strategies."

It is not surprising to hear teachers and directors complain about the lack of basic resources: teaching material, overhead projectors, laboratories for basic science, support by specialists. Another school director in Pristina told us:

"We don't have a psychologist. I am not sure what to tell teachers how to deal with difficult children. I asked the ministry for an assistant for teachers to help with these children. They sent a commission who sat in class and they concluded that no assistance was needed."

But many teachers also point to problems with the single most important resource put into their hand by the ministry every year: textbooks.
In 2000 – during the immediate months following the end of the war–the UN Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) embarked on an ambitious effort of "rapid educational reform." An account of this internationally-led reform was captured in a paper produced by UNESCO:^[2]

"Dramatic reform, even renewal, became the order of the day. Michael Daxner [Head of the UN Department of Education in Kosovo] inspired an impressive level of donor funding for education in Kosovo, obtained, in his own view and that of others, a near-free hand from the United Nations' superiors to assert his vision on to the education system, recruited a largely hand-picked team of international educators, and assigned established international agencies core tasks within the education system."^[3]

This effort led to a discussion white paper called "The New Kosovo Curriculum Framework," published in 2001. It defined objectives, assessment methods and practices, guidelines for subject curriculum development, guidelines for textbook development and more. It aimed to set the path toward an education revolution.^[4] However, public authorities in Kosovo never officially adopted this document. On the website of the Ministry of Education today this document can only be found in English.
While the UN-led effort to reinvent the education system was on-going, there was the practical matter of teaching 300,000 pupils in a country where many schools needed to be rebuilt and where only few textbooks existed. First, the UN had to mobilise "a body of teachers of unknown name and number."^[5] The teachers who started to teach in late 1999 – with their strengths and weaknesses, skills and deficiencies – were largely those who had taught before.
The UN also had to coordinate donor efforts: "a plethora of NGOs and agencies flooded Kosovo in the second half of 1999. By 2000 there was then 'such intense competition for teachers to participate in training courses and workshops in some areas that teachers could spend more time in training than in the classroom.'"^[6] In recent years this initial post-war flood of training (and donor resources) has dropped sharply.
The 2001 UNMIK curriculum framework also had no impact on the second vital resource in classrooms: textbooks. Late 1999 saw a massive effort to rapidly produce and approve new books for all levels of schools. "A total of 130 titles was reviewed by a team of Kosovar educators under UNMIK supervision, and all but three subsequently published and distributed during the first semester of 1999/2000… UNMIK's very limited capacity and reach meant that its impact on events was marginal."^[7]
In short, the UNMIK administrator left behind an innovative framework, but little had changed on the ground. Teachers were those who had taught before. The books that were printed and used were approved in a hurry. This happened without any serious review from teachers, no testing of books in pilot projects and without input from any foreign experts. The rhetoric of radical reinvention coincided with little real change in the key resources – teachers and books. Thus, by 2004 a wide gap had opened up between policies, plans and strategies developed at the central level, and what was going on in schools throughout the country.
Teachers are the most important resource for teaching in elementary schools. There are today some 17,400 teachers in Kosovo, 51 per cent of whom are women. Here are two representative biographies of Kosovo teachers today:

A man in his 50s, educated in former Yugoslavia. He started his teaching career in the 1980s. He speaks Serbian as a second language, but no other foreign language. In the 1990s, he taught within the parallel system organised by the Kosovo Albanians after their expulsion from the official school system. He experienced repression, loss of status, economic crisis and lack of resources. War came in 1999, and like so many others, he lost someone in his extended family. After 1999 he returned to teach at a makeshift school in a tent next to the school building that was destroyed during the war.
Today he teaches in a new building, but lacks many resources and equipment. He is respected by his students and able to control them during the school hours despite widespread problems with disciplinary actions, such as grade inflation: students receiving high grades despite their level of academic performance – is a reality in schools across Kosovo.^[8] He has been to a lot of trainings where he was told to not be strict and allow students to move around the classroom freely. By now he has become sceptical of foreign trainers and new initiatives from the ministry.
A woman in her late 20s. She was a teenager at the time of the war and had herself attended the parallel school system. After the war, she applied to the Faculty of Education to study to become a teacher. She was motivated by job security– "it is a job with short hours and secure contract"– and by a calling to teach the younger generation. She is unhappy about the declining respect for her profession. Some people told her: "only those students who could not get enrolled at other faculties apply to study education." Studying at the new Education Faculty (operational since 2003) was not easy, as it was undergoing constant reorganisation. She speaks and understands some English, though not well. She entered the classroom for the first time as a trainee teacher. Today she teaches a primary school class.
She finds the syllabus overloaded: "I keep having to develop lessons for forty minute increments, for topics when I could easily use three hours." She has attended some teacher training and has found the most concrete advice most useful: "I now always use the traffic light method. I explain something and ask the kids to grade it with a green light, which means they understood it well, yellow light, which means they understood it partially and red light, which means I have to explain everything again." And yet, she often struggles with maintaining discipline in the classroom. There is little the school can do to help her with disruptive students. If she is strict she risks a confrontation with the student's parents. She is frustrated by the erosion of respect for the authority of teachers among many parents and students. Despite this she tries to make her classes interesting for students with very limited resources: "If I had a projector, laptop and a standard western classroom, I could have many more activities in our classroom, but we need to improvise most of the time." She is unhappy with the current textbooks.

Today's teachers are also going to be tomorrow's teachers. The key challenge is to help them, in particular those who are young enough to still be teaching in ten years, to become better at their job. And this particularly involves focusing on the key resource the state gives them for their daily work in the classroom: textbooks.
Some ministry officials suggest that it may be time for Kosovo teachers to "go beyond" textbooks. "Textbooks are just one of the many sources they should use. They should become more creative and find other sources of teaching material. For example they should look online," a Ministry of Education official told ESI. Such thinking helps to explain why, of all important aspects of education, Kosovo textbooks remain the least studied. They are also, unsurprisingly, the aspect of education least addressed by foreign assistance, as books exist only in Albanian and have not been translated. There is in fact an urgent need for a serious in-depth review of books, which are crucial for the future of Kosovo education.
Textbooks are free. Little else is. There is very limited supply of other teaching material. One only needs to visit a number of school libraries to see the problem. In a typical Pristina school a library is located in a small room on the second floor. It has four shelves that run along three walls and are half empty. The books on the shelves are copies of some 100 books that have been used in Albanian language classes for decades. Some of these books are damaged and old; a few recent donations are from publishing houses or NGOs. In a school library in Gjilan we were told: "We only have titles from the communist era." Publishing houses from Albania have published some new literature, and translated a few books from Spanish and English (for younger children) for sale in bookstores in urban areas. But the prices of books are high for an average Kosovar family, particularly for families living in rural areas. In all classrooms we visited the free textbooks were essential to give a structure to the whole pedagogical process. In families without books at home, books in the classroom are most often the only books available to children.
In 2005 the Institute of Education of the University of London undertook a review of the UNMIK Kosovo Curriculum Framework (2001). It also offered recommendations on future textbooks:

"In the new generation of textbooks being planned, the review teams are sure attention will be paid to aspects of 'user-friendliness' and attracting and holding the students' interest… the textbook that addresses and captivates the teacher as much as the student (that captivates the pupils because it has first captivated the teacher)."^[9]

The review noted this could be achieved:

"by involving teachers quite intimately, and even more than previously, in the production of the new textbooks, as members of writing teams, in consultant focus groups at draft stage, and in piloting the textbooks."^[10]

In fact, none of this has ever happened in Kosovo. The process of book production was a hasty endeavour – three months between the production of syllabi and printing of the books – and without serious input from teachers or testing with students.
In 2011 the ministry passed a set of standards for textbooks. These standards were developed with the help of "International Projects in Education", a Zurich-based non-governmental organization. The document noted that "many of the current textbooks are out-of-date and do not meet the needs of or correctly portray the circumstances of the young democratic Republic of Kosovo. "The review set out guidelines to review textbooks. These cover everything from their structure to their scientific relevance to age appropriateness and their pedagogical value. The guidelines recommend testing new books with students in classrooms before they are allowed on the market.
However, such principles were never applied. Not in 1999, when 130 textbooks were approved in a rush. Not in 2003-2007, when 90 textbooks were approved. And not since then have any of the books in use been systematically reviewed. There is much anecdotal evidence that there are discrepancies between current books and professed objectives of Kosovo education.
In 2010 the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN) published a study analysing 16 textbooks that covered biology, geography, history and civic education for grades six to nine. The report identified an overload of information, unexplained information and turgid texts (such as 20 facts expressed within four lines). Books failed to encourage critical thinking and to meet basic gender and democratic standards.^[11] There were also many inaccuracies and inconsistencies. In 2013 BIRN returned to the issue to see whether publishers had addressed any of the mistakes that the initial study had found; in most cases this has not been done.^[12]
In 2007 the Kosovo Education Centre (KEC) – a non-governmental organization focusing on education research – looked at the representation of men and women in Albanian language textbooks. It examined seven newly drafted text books and concluded that the content contained very strong gender bias:
Out of 14 authors of the seven books, 12 are men. Out of a total of 323 analyzed texts, 72 percent are written by men and seven percent by women (the rest have no author listed). Of 128 illustrations, 120 depict male characters and only eight women. In 323 of the teaching lessons in the study, only 45 mention women in professional roles (this includes being a housewife) compared to 187 mentioning men.^[13]
In 2013 the Pedagogical Institute of Kosovo analysed teaching materials in Albanian literature readers for primary and lower secondary schools. In an 80-page study it argued that "didactic material in some textbooks is not chosen well and not always does it allow students to work independently, think critically, debate, experiment and apply their knowledge in practice."^[14]
Such research is confirmed by statements from a large number of teachers during our research for this project:

"The books are really dry. I have to find my own sources most of the time. It's disturbing. The 7th grade textbook is so dry and the grammar is just too heavy for 7^th graders."        

"I have to improvise all the time, since the textbooks are terrible and we have no infrastructure to use the new teaching techniques. Let me tell you this: the books are terrible. I cannot use them with the new reform. The reforms are new and the textbooks are still the same… The ABC book has a lot of material but the syllabus does not have enough hours… The workbook is pretty good. The math books are terrible…"

"X (a publishing house), for example, has some interest from an author, even if he is not the best one. They select him to write the textbooks. They then bribe the reviewers; tell them the code of the author and they approve these books without any analysis. I cannot count how many mistakes they have. Now teachers have to read and scratch lots of stuff off textbooks and examine them for mistakes. We have actually made it a practice; to read the textbooks and scratch stuff off before teaching the lesson."

"Books need revising. Sometimes the same example is used in many different books – kids then learn those sentences by heart and then they only know those examples. The kind of grammar we teach them is actually not necessarily useful to them. It is grammar for people who study Albanian language and literature in University. It is too heavy."

"These children need simpler texts. Or simpler questions. The questions are like for older kids. I like the Reading book – these texts are more understandable and graspable for students in grade 3."

ESI also began to examine specific books. One example is the Albanian reader for the 3^rd year students (8 year olds), which has 177 pages. Most texts in the book are archaic or folkloristic and many promote misogyny, racism, male heroism and self-victimization. Take the folk tale I love my wife like sugar and my mother like salt. It is a story about a son who sits at dinner with his mother and his young bride. He tells his bride that he loves her like sugar and his mother that he loves her like salt. Then he goes to bed while the women clean. When his bride joins him she tells him that his mother is sad, saying: "I spent my youth on him and he says I am like salt." The son then tells his mother to prepare dinner without salt for his friends. They dislike the dinner. In this way he proves to his mother that salt is essential. "Sugar," he explains, "I can live without for a year."
Or take the story Mother's Rare Flowers about a mother and her son. He leaves to go abroad. His mother gives him some seeds and says, "make your home where these seeds produce flowers." He tries in many places. Finally, he returns home. Only there the flowers bloom. His mother is happy and shows him the clothes she prepared for his bride. The book then contained the following explanation for students.

"Because of bad conditions, Albanians were forced to go abroad many times, and to turn their back on their homeland. In this story we have a description of the bad fate of a migrant. This is evidence that nobody finds peace anywhere but in their homeland. Even flower seeds do not grow."

In literature classes there is the option for teachers to also assign other reading. But in fact few books are actually available. One book that is assigned to grade 5 students is called "Lugjet e Verdha." It is the story of a couple with seven daughters who keep trying to have children in the hope to get a son. As the daughters grow up they are shown as very sad for not having a brother. "Who will inherit the house?" they ask, crying and working the land. The family finally gets a son but a witch tricks him and for a while he is gone. Most boys and girls in Kosovo have not only read this story in school, but also had to write an analysis on the lessons from this story.
All of this points to one key conclusion: in an environment as starved of good and easily available children's literature as today's Kosovo, books in school (both textbooks and additional reading) are key if children are to acquire good reading skills and a lifelong taste for reading. Currently there are no plans to review existing books. Neither are there any programs to translate and stock school libraries with good children's literature. Nor is there a systematic study whether the current literature that students read in school increases their life-long interest in reading.
So what is needed in 2015? Given that a majority of primary and lower secondary school teachers do not read foreign languages proficiently, it might be useful to translate some good foreign textbooks for inspiration and to enrich the debate. It might also be useful to translate some currently used Kosovo books to allow feedback from outside experts. One should also strengthen the capacities of the Pedagogical Institute to work on textbook quality and to integrate the comparative analysis of (existing) textbooks into the curriculum of the Faculties for Education for future teachers. Kosovo needs a broad debate – involving as many teachers as possible – on what the next generation of textbooks should look like. This would require prioritising efforts to improve textbooks, and a better process for selecting textbooks, with credible methodologies including focus groups, international comparisons, feedback from teachers in the fields, piloting new books in schools.
Textbooks matter, especially in a poor country like Kosovo. In 2010, a McKinsey report looked at education systems around the world. It identified twenty improving systems around the world and the interventions made in order to improve. It identified providing teachers with quality textbooks and user guides as the key intervention for progress in countries with weak education systems:

"This requires ensuring that lower-skill teachers are given the support of high-quality teaching materials and lesson plans that can closely guide what they do on a daily basis. As one Asian system leader says… 'We did everything we could to make it as easy as possible for our teachers to teach.'"^[15]

Let us hope that in 2015 this basic lesson will also be applied to Kosovo: and that every effort will be made to help teachers in their classrooms in their crucial work. The future of Kosovo depends on this above all else.
UNMIK Department of Education and Science, New Kosovo Curriculum Framework (White Paper), 2001.
Kosovo Assembly, Law on Pre University Education in the Republic of Kosovo, 2011.
Kosovo Assembly, Law on Publishing School Textbooks, Educational Teaching Resources, Reading Materials and Pedagogical Documentation, 2006.
Ministry of Education Science and Technology (MEST), Strategy for Development of Pre-University Education in Kosovo 2007-2017, 2007.
MEST, Kosovo Education Strategic Plan 2011-2016, 2011.
MEST, Administrative Instruction on the Implementation of the Quality Standards for Textbooks, 2011.
MEST, Curriculum Framework for Pre-University Education in the Republic of Kosovo, 2011 (Official Albanian Version).
MEST, Core Curriculum for Pre-primary Grade and Primary Education in Kosovo, 2012.
MEST, Core Curriculum for Lower Secondary Education in Kosovo, 2012.
UNESCO, Parallel Worlds: Rebuilding the education system in Kosovo, 2004.
Turkish Students, Isolation and the Erasmus Challenge (24 July 2014)
Kosovo – Of Patriarchs and Rebels (1 June 2014)
Isolation Confirmed. How the EU is undermining its interests in Kosovo (22 November 2010)
Discussion paper: Isolating Kosovo? Kosovo vs Afghanistan 5:22 (19 November 2009)
Cutting the lifeline. Migration, Families and the Future of Kosovo (18 September 2006)
Discussion paper: Utopian Visions. Governance failures in Kosovo's capital (8 June 2006)

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Liridon Llapashtica• 02 Janar 2015 • 12:42 •
Të hyrat zyrtare që ata i marrin në emër të pagës për punën që e bëjnë nuk e arsyetojnë pasurinë milionëshe që e kanë krijuar prej kohës kur ushtrojnë pozita të larta nëpër institucionet e Kosovës. Shtëpitë e tyre luksoze, vilat në Brezovicë, e në disa raste në bregdet ata, politikanët kosovarë, i bëjnë si “sheikë” në një vend ku gati gjysma e popullsisë jeton në varfëri.
Përveç shtëpive ata në oborret e tyre kanë vetura super luksoze, por edhe gjëra tjera të vlefshme.
Për ata, profesioni më fitimprurës në Kosovë vlerësohet të jetë politika, ngase shumica prej tyre që drejtojnë vendin nuk kanë pasur mundësi që ta sprovojnë veten në profesionet që ata i kanë.
Shtëpi dhe banesa në kryeqytet dhe në fshatin Brojë posedon edhe ish-kryeministri, Hashim Thaçi, i cili banon tani në njërën nga banesat e tij në lagjen “Kodra e Diellit”, jo larg presidentes Jahjaga. Thaçi ka pasuri të paluajtshme, ka tokë për ndërtim të shtëpisë me sipërfaqe 15.75 arë, në vlerë prej 157 mijë eurosh, shtëpi në ndërtim 700 metra katrorë, në vlerë prej 220 mijë eurosh, tokë bujqësore të trashëguar nga familja 7 hektarë, në vlerë prej 180 mijë eurosh. Thaçi, po ashtu, ka deklaruar një shtëpi me 250 metra katrorë të trashëguar nga familja, në vlerë prej 80 mijë eurosh. Shtëpia në ndërtim prej 700 metra katrorësh gjendet në periferi të kryeqytetit në “Veterrnik”. Këtë ndërtim të kësaj shtëpie Thaçi ka arritur vetëm ta fusë nën kulm. Në krahun e djathtë të kësaj lagjeje, banon edhe kryetari i Prishtinës, Shpend Ahmeti. Ai tash e një kohë së bashku me familjen e tij të ngushtë është akomoduar në një shtëpi luksoze në lagjen “Nic”. Ai ka deklaruar se ajo shtëpi është e vëllai të tij dhe ky e ka vetëm në shfrytëzim. Ahmeti ka edhe një banesë në qendër të Prishtinës, si trashëgimi nga babai i tij.
Kryeministri, 610 mijë euro pasuri
Më mirë se presidentja e vendit me patundshmëri qëndron i sapozgjedhuri kryeministër i Kosovës, Isa Mustafa, i cili banon në një shtëpi me sipërfaqe prej 180 metra katrorësh. Këtë shtëpi kryeministri e ka trashëguar që nga viti 1956, vlera e së cilës sillet rreth 138 mijë euro. Mustafa, po ashtu, ka tokë rreth 3 hektarë të deklaruara në vlerë prej 365 mijë eurosh. Prej kur është zgjedhur kryeministër para shtëpisë së familjes Mustafa, qëndron një makinë e Policisë së Kosovës, e cila bënë roje. Si pasuri të patundshme Mustafa ka një vlerë prej gjithsej 610 mijë eurosh, për banesën, shtëpinë dhe tokën që ka në pronësi. Kryeministri ka edhe një vilë në fshatin e lindjes, Prapashticë.
 Haradinaj, dy shtëpi 570 mijë euro
Në listën e politikanëve më të pasur në vend hyn edhe lideri i Aleancës për Ardhmërinë e Kosovës, Ramush  Haradinaj, i cili ka në pronësi një shtëpi në lagjen “Dragodan”, të Prishtinës, e ku vlera e përcaktuar nga ai është 300 mijë euro, si dhe shtëpinë në fshatin e tij të lindjes në Gllogjan të Deçanit, ku po ashtu vlera e vetëdeklaruar nga ai është 270 mijë euro.
Përpos dy shtëpive luksoze Haradinaj ka në pronësi tokë, si dhe vetura të shtrenjta. Në këtë drejtim keq nuk qëndron as lideri i Nismës, Fatmir Limaj, i cili në formularët e Agjencisë Kundër Korrupsionit ka vetëdeklaruar se ka në pronësi dy banesa në vlere prej 150 mijë eurosh, shtëpi banimi 250 mijë euro, si dhe tokë 500 mijë euro. Po ashtu, Limaj ka edhe pasuri tjetër të lëvizshme.
 Ish-kreu i SHIK-ut me banesë në qendër të Prishtinës
Ish-udhëheqësi i Shërbimit Inteligjent të Kosovës (SHIK), Kadri Veseli, tani kryetari i Kuvendit të Kosovës, që nga paslufta ka arritur që të ketë pasuri të paluajtshme 2 banesa, me sipërfaqe prej 321 metër katrorësh, me vlerë prej 222 mijë eurosh. Njëra banesë e Veselit a sipërfaqe prej 114 metra katrorësh dhe ka çmim prej 97 mijë eurosh, kurse tjetra ka sipërfaqe prej 207 metra katrorësh, çmim prej 125 mijë eurosh. Po ashtu, ish-udhëheqësi i SHIK-ut ka një shtëpi me 350 metra katrorë, të cilën thotë se e ka të trashëguar. Kjo shtëpi është e ndërtuar që nga viti 1967, kurse dy banesat mbas vitit 2000. Njëra në vitin 2001, kurse tjetra në vitin 2009. I pari i legjislativit prejse kur është zgjedhur në këtë pozitë po banon në banesën e tij afër selisë së Partisë Demokratike të Kosovës, në sheshin “Nënë Tereza”.
Presidentja, në banesë 70 metra katrorë
Ndërtesat me ngjyrë të kuqe në lagjen “Kodra e Diellit”, të ndërtuara në vitet e 90-ta, kanë për banore presidenten e vendit, Atifete Jahjaga.
Edhe pse Jahjaga së bashku me bashkëshortin e saj jetojnë në një banesë prej 70 metra katrorësh, në formularët për deklarimin e pasurisë ajo nuk ka shënuar se ka në pronësi shtëpi apo toka.
Banorët e lagjes kanë thënë për gazetën “Zëri”, se banesa ku banon aktualisht presidentja është pronë e babait të saj. Apartamenti, i cili gjendet në katin e dytë të kësaj ndërtese, nuk dallon fare me apartamentet e banorëve të tjerë. Ballkoni i saj ka disa lule, të cilat thuajse janë tharë në tërësi nga pakujdesia apo mosujitja.

. Die Fotografien dokumentierten beeindruckende Gebäude und Baustrukturen; eine ungeregelte, alle mir bekannten Maßstäbe überschreitende Bautätigkeit schien die Stadt nach Einmarsch der NATO-Truppen im Jahr 1999 förmlich gesprengt zu haben. Und auch beim ersten Augenschein war mir klar, dass es sich um eine besondere Form sogenannter ?informeller? Siedlungstätigkeit handeln musste. Im Gespräch mit Visar Geci und seinem Freund Gezim Kastrati wurde mein erster Eindruck bestätigt: An dieser Bautätigkeit waren weite Kreise der kosovo-albanischen Gesellschaft beteiligt, von Landmigranten bis hin zu Ministern der provisorischen Selbstregierung, von den aus der EU oder der Schweiz repatriierten albanischen Flüchtlingen bis hin zu alteingesessenen Familien. Ohne hier auf die komplizierte politische Situation eingehen zu können, waren die anderen Bevölkerungsgruppen wie die Kosovo-Serben wenig interessiert, unter den -neuen Verhältnissen im Kosovo in Form von Immobilien in die Zukunft zu investieren.

Besonders frustrierend war aus architektonischer und planerischer Sicht, dass die existierende Stadtstruktur weitgehend zerstört, die professionelle Expertise von den Bauherren praktisch nicht in Anspruch genommen wurde und die politisch Verantwortlichen, die UN-Verwaltung und die provisorische Regierung, tatenlos dem Treiben zuschauten
......
Am Stadtrand tauchte der jugoslawische Geschoßwohnungsbau am Straßenrand auf, der um ein bis zwei nicht geplante Geschoße nach oben erweitert worden war. Von einer der Fassaden hing ein riesiges Poster mit dem lächelnden und winkenden Bill Clinton, der Ankommende willkommen hieß. Nach ihm wurde auch der Boulevard benannt, der vom Flughafen in die Stadt führt. Überall wehten Fahnen der USA, Großbritanniens, Deutschlands und der NATO, gelegentlich auch der EU, die die enge Verbundenheit der kosovo-albanischen Bevölkerungsmehrheit mit den KFOR-Truppen bekundeten.

Die ganze Stadt schien sich in einem Zustand permanenter Veränderung zu befinden, allerorten waren Baustellen zu sehen, fanden Abbrüche statt und standen halbfertige Stahlbetonkonstruktionen herum. Jede freie Ecke war noch mit einem kleinen Geschäft zugebaut, meis-tens eine einfache Stahlkonstruktion mit Metallwänden. In noch nicht fertiggestellten Häusern, in denen die Obergeschoße als Stahlbetonskelett in die Höhe ragten, wurden die unteren Geschoße bereits genutzt. Blau oder grün verspiegelte Glasfassaden verwiesen auf Büroräume und Geschäfte, auf den unverputzten Balkonen der darüberliegenden Geschoße hatte man die Wäsche zum Trocknen aufgehängt: Man hatte sich bereits im Provisorium eingerichtet. Und je mehr wir uns dem Zentrum näherten, umso unvermittelter prallten die Gegensätze aufeinander: Moscheen kontrastierten mit den neu errichteten Glaspalästen von Banken und Unternehmen, Bauten der jugoslawischen Moderne mit den in den vergangenen Jahren schnell hochgezogenen mehrgeschoßigen Wohn- und Bürobauten; dazwischen duckten sich vereinzelt noch die traditionellen albanischen, eingeschoßig-quadratischen Wohnhäuser. Ein riesiges Durcheinander, das eine beeindruckende Energie ausstrahlte. Bei unseren Streifzügen durch die Stadt war es Visar Gecis tiefgründiger Humor, der zum Verständnis selbst der absonderlichsten Ausformungen beitrug.
Erst mit der Zeit begann ich, durch seine Vermittlung die dahinterliegenden Kräfte dieses unregulierten Bauens zu verstehen, wie unter ungeklärten Rechtsbedingungen und ökonomisch unsicheren Lebensverhältnissen die albanischen Bewohner von Pri?tina mit großem Optimismus angesichts der veränderten politischen Lage angefangen hatten, ihre Zukunft zu gestalten. Dies war umso erstaunlicher, als der Kosovo die schlechtesten wirtschaftlichen Daten der Region und eine Arbeitslosigkeit von über 40 Prozent aufweist. Faktisch vermag der Kosovo nur durch die Hilfeleistungen von Familienmitgliedern zu überleben, die legal oder illegal in der EU oder anderen wohlhabenden Ländern arbeiten und ihr Geld nach Hause überweisen.

...........................

Para hyrjes së ndërtesës, po ashtu, qëndron një automjet i Policisë së Kosovës për 24 orë, ku në të bëjnë roje dy policë.

. Die Fotografien dokumentierten beeindruckende Gebäude und Baustrukturen; eine ungeregelte, alle mir bekannten Maßstäbe überschreitende Bautätigkeit schien die Stadt nach Einmarsch der NATO-Truppen im Jahr 1999 förmlich gesprengt zu haben. Und auch beim ersten Augenschein war mir klar, dass es sich um eine besondere Form sogenannter ?informeller? Siedlungstätigkeit handeln musste. Im Gespräch mit Visar Geci und seinem Freund Gezim Kastrati wurde mein erster Eindruck bestätigt: An dieser Bautätigkeit waren weite Kreise der kosovo-albanischen Gesellschaft beteiligt, von Landmigranten bis hin zu Ministern der provisorischen Selbstregierung, von den aus der EU oder der Schweiz repatriierten albanischen Flüchtlingen bis hin zu alteingesessenen Familien. Ohne hier auf die komplizierte politische Situation eingehen zu können, waren die anderen Bevölkerungsgruppen wie die Kosovo-Serben wenig interessiert, unter den -neuen Verhältnissen im Kosovo in Form von Immobilien in die Zukunft zu investieren.

Besonders frustrierend war aus architektonischer und planerischer Sicht, dass die existierende Stadtstruktur weitgehend zerstört, die professionelle Expertise von den Bauherren praktisch nicht in Anspruch genommen wurde und die politisch Verantwortlichen, die UN-Verwaltung und die provisorische Regierung, tatenlos dem Treiben zuschauten
......
Am Stadtrand tauchte der jugoslawische Geschoßwohnungsbau am Straßenrand auf, der um ein bis zwei nicht geplante Geschoße nach oben erweitert worden war. Von einer der Fassaden hing ein riesiges Poster mit dem lächelnden und winkenden Bill Clinton, der Ankommende willkommen hieß. Nach ihm wurde auch der Boulevard benannt, der vom Flughafen in die Stadt führt. Überall wehten Fahnen der USA, Großbritanniens, Deutschlands und der NATO, gelegentlich auch der EU, die die enge Verbundenheit der kosovo-albanischen Bevölkerungsmehrheit mit den KFOR-Truppen bekundeten.

Die ganze Stadt schien sich in einem Zustand permanenter Veränderung zu befinden, allerorten waren Baustellen zu sehen, fanden Abbrüche statt und standen halbfertige Stahlbetonkonstruktionen herum. Jede freie Ecke war noch mit einem kleinen Geschäft zugebaut, meis-tens eine einfache Stahlkonstruktion mit Metallwänden. In noch nicht fertiggestellten Häusern, in denen die Obergeschoße als Stahlbetonskelett in die Höhe ragten, wurden die unteren Geschoße bereits genutzt. Blau oder grün verspiegelte Glasfassaden verwiesen auf Büroräume und Geschäfte, auf den unverputzten Balkonen der darüberliegenden Geschoße hatte man die Wäsche zum Trocknen aufgehängt: Man hatte sich bereits im Provisorium eingerichtet. Und je mehr wir uns dem Zentrum näherten, umso unvermittelter prallten die Gegensätze aufeinander: Moscheen kontrastierten mit den neu errichteten Glaspalästen von Banken und Unternehmen, Bauten der jugoslawischen Moderne mit den in den vergangenen Jahren schnell hochgezogenen mehrgeschoßigen Wohn- und Bürobauten; dazwischen duckten sich vereinzelt noch die traditionellen albanischen, eingeschoßig-quadratischen Wohnhäuser. Ein riesiges Durcheinander, das eine beeindruckende Energie ausstrahlte. Bei unseren Streifzügen durch die Stadt war es Visar Gecis tiefgründiger Humor, der zum Verständnis selbst der absonderlichsten Ausformungen beitrug.
Erst mit der Zeit begann ich, durch seine Vermittlung die dahinterliegenden Kräfte dieses unregulierten Bauens zu verstehen, wie unter ungeklärten Rechtsbedingungen und ökonomisch unsicheren Lebensverhältnissen die albanischen Bewohner von Pri?tina mit großem Optimismus angesichts der veränderten politischen Lage angefangen hatten, ihre Zukunft zu gestalten. Dies war umso erstaunlicher, als der Kosovo die schlechtesten wirtschaftlichen Daten der Region und eine Arbeitslosigkeit von über 40 Prozent aufweist. Faktisch vermag der Kosovo nur durch die Hilfeleistungen von Familienmitgliedern zu überleben, die legal oder illegal in der EU oder anderen wohlhabenden Ländern arbeiten und ihr Geld nach Hause überweisen.

...........................
http://kwml.net/output/?e=58&page=rb_ARTIKEL&a=dff0a6d4&f=
 

0,9 % ist die Mord Rate in Europa, pro 100.000 Einwohner Albania and Montenegro Hold Balkan Record on Murders, Macedonia Stands In Between

• Publikuar nëEnglish
• Bëhu i pari që komenton!
• Premte, 19 Dhjetor 2014 11:16

 Inzwischen werden die Rohre der Gas Pipeline unverändert nach Bulgarien bebracht und Zwischen gelagert, bis man eine weitere Verwendung hat.

Praktisch hat Gazprom, durch die Mafiösen Methoden der EU, Vertrags Brüchigkeit in vielen Fällen, bereits 22 Monate den Bau Beginn verhindert, bevor Gazprom von den Projekt Abschied nahm.

Obwohl alle Verträge bereits unterzeichnete waren mit den Anlieger Staaten, den Firmen, organsierte das korrupte und inkomptende EU Parlament (Martin Schulz, der eigene Mafiöse Schwarze Kassen verwaltet, um die Albaner u.a. rund um Dritan Prifti, Ilir Meta zufinanzieren) und die Hirnlose EU Commission eine neue Vorlage, um die Russen zuerpressen. Mafiöse Erpressung wie es Standard geworden ist bei den EU Pyschopaten der Inkompetenz und Korruption
Die EU - US Sabotage gegen die South Stream Pipeline

vor 11 Monaten:

EU Kommissar Gunther Öttinger, Berufs Pyschopat versucht die South Stream Pipeline zu sabotieren

 
Reine Erpressung und Betrug der EU, identisch wie bei dem Russischen Flugzeug Träger, der trotz Verträge nicht ausgeliefert wird, obwohl die Franzosen damals extra nach Moskau flogen und die Russen überzeugen konnten, für diesen Auftrag.


Freitag, 5. Dezember 2014

Die im Völkerrecht kriminellen und illegalen Methoden werden heute direkt von den korrupten EU Botschaften, einer kriminellen EU Aussenpolitik betrieben, welche Demonstrationen sogar und Medien finanzieren für Stimmungs Mache. siehe auch Prof. Krysmanski, über die uralten CIA Verbrecher Methoden, welche heute aktiv von der Deutschen Regierung, EU in Brüssel praktiziert werden.


Nachdem Ukraine Verbrechen der EU, blickt die Welt voller Verachtung auf das kriminelle Construct, einer EU Aussenpolitik, welche rein Faschistisch ist und wo Kriminelle als Partner vor Ort erneut auftreten, wie schon im Kosovo. 

Man kennt die Methoden, einer rein kriminell, inkompetend auftretenden Mafiösen Struktur, welche Völkerrechts widrig überall hohe Millionen Summen in Mafiöse Strukturen steckt, ebenso Kriminelle und Nazis und Lügen Geschichten über nicht genehme Regierungen zu konstruieren. Eine alte CIA und Georg Soros Methode. Der CIA Verbrecher Carl Bildt, profitierte erstaunlicherweise schon von dem Mord an Olaf Palme und Lund in Schweden und ist doch nur ein billiger CIA Agent, der heute auch in der Ukraine seine Lügen Geschichten verbreitet. Hier 1992 in Washington als NeoCon Vertreter, wo er Angriffs Kriege fordert. Carl Bildt FEB 22 1992, Talks About New World Order


 Serbischer Regierungschef: EU finanziert Lügengeschichten

Die Geschichte zeigt, das diese Leute aus den alten US - Kroatischen Faschisten und Betrugs Zirkeln, weiteres Unheil über Kroatien bringen wird.
Eine der dubiosesten Wahlen, in Europa im Sinne der korrupten EU Zirkeln.

Erneut ein Mitglied der kriminellen Franjo Tuđman Regierung gewinnt unter dubiosen Umständen die Präsidentschafts Wahl in Kroatien.

Die Diplomatin hatte am Sonntag äußerst knapp mit 50,74 Prozent die entscheidende zweite Runde gegen den bisherigen Amtsinhaber Ivo Josipovic gewonne

Von 2011 bis 2014
stellvertretende Generalsekretärin der NATO mit Zuständigkeit für den Bereich Public Diplomacy. Eine gebildete äusserst kluge Persönlichkeit. Sie lebt in Kroatien in Zagreb also in EUROPA ... Soviel zur westeuropäischen Arroganz Herr Martin Müller ... also nicht etwa in Portugal o. Frankreich...

Die Wahlkommission habe versäumt, 60.000 ungültige Stimmen in das Ergebnis einzurechnen, sagte der Juraprofessor Vedran Djulabic der Nachrichtenseite tportal.

Experte: Präsidentenwahl in Kroatien anfechtbar

Euroatlantikerin Grabar-Kitarovic an der Spitze Kroatiens
Manche Kroaten sagen, dass die Leute aus Grobnik, einem Dorf in der Nähe von Rijeka, unglaublich sture Menschen seien, vielleicht die stursten Kroaten überhaupt. Sie seien aber auch freundlich und offen, heißt es. Die neue kroatische Präsidentin mit dem ungewöhnlichen Namen Kolinda ist jedenfalls von der Landschaft ihrer Kindheit ("riesige Felder, ein endlos blauer Himmel und das Rauschen des Flusses Rjecina") geprägt. Und sie gilt als eine sehr zielstrebige und höfliche Person.
Die Fleischerstochter zog es aber bald weg aus Grobnik, bereits als Gymnasiastin verbrachte sie Zeit in den USA. Die Affinität zu Amerika blieb. Sie studierte in Zagreb Englisch, Spanisch und Internationale Beziehungen. Nach einem Jahr an der Diplomatischen Akademie in Wien begann sie 1996 ihre Karriere im Außenministerium des jungen Staates. Dort wurde sie Chefin der Nordamerika-Abteilung. Grabar-Kitarovic gilt als explizite Euroatlantikerin. Sie pflegt gute Kontakte zu Hillary Clinton und Präsident Barack Obama. Mit der neuen Staatschefin könnte Kroatien außenpolitisch wichtiger werden. Sicher wird Grabar-Kitarovic, für die Angela Merkel ein Vorbild ist, die Beziehungen zu Deutschland intensivieren.

Experte: Präsidentenwahl in Kroatien anfechtbar

Möglicherweise 60.000 ungültige Stimmen nicht eingerechnet - Grabar-Kitarović hatte knapp gewonnen

• Neuwahlspekulationen: Kroatiens erste 'Erste Frau' im Staat [20]
• Urteil außer Kraft: Kroatischer Kriegsverbrecher Glavas vorerst auf freiem Fuß [2]
• Kopf des Tages: Euroatlantikerin Grabar-Kitarovic an der Spitze Kroatiens [3]
• Es gibt wilde Bilder in einer Serbischen Zeitung über die Präsidentin, welche ein Agent schoss der eine Affäre hatte.
•